Le trésor du père Maurin (Romans) (French Edition)
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Bouteille en argent. Les bijoux, par Catherine Metzger. Bague, Constantinople? L'objet fait partie d'un ensemble de bijoux du VIe s. L'oro dei Romani, , p. L'une d'entre elles a disparu. Boucles d'oreilles composites. C Collier et pendants d'oreille. Un collier de la Walters. Asie Mineure. Perdu de vue depuis la dispersion de la collection. Baldini Lippolis, L'Oreficeria, p. Bibliographie :. Prase H. Le pelage est lisse.
La peau de lion est clairement identifiable, ce qui n'est pas le cas sur notre intaille. The report consists of an overview of the technical examination of the Carthage jewellery followed by a more detailed item on each object. The work on the Carthage material was carried out to complement a study by the Louvre. The jewellery was found with items of silver plate on the Hill of Saint Louis, Carthage, Tunisia, during the last century. It has been dated to the 4th century AD.
The jewellery was examined with a low-powered optical microscope. The intaglios, the cameo and a selection of the stones in the necklace were analysed by x-ray diffraction XRD. The unmounted gemstones were identified as two agates and a dark green, translucent, microcrystalline quartz, classified as prase. The pearls of the necklace and ring were not sampled for analysis. XRD analysis of the green stones on both the earrings and necklace confirms that they are emeralds. On the necklace they are in the form of hexagonal beads, which is the natural crystal form of emerald. The main source of emeralds during the Roman period is thought to have been the mines of upper Egypt Bauer The translucent blue polished stones of the earrings and necklace are sapphires, with the exception of a pair of adjacent.
X-ray diffraction analysis identified the milky stone as a microcrystalline quartz, best defined as chalcedony Sax, Middleton The dull crazed stone next to it was identified by XRD as cordierite. The chalcedony and cordierite stones may be replacements, but see below for further discussion. The metal was analysed by energy dispersive x-ray analysis EDX.
As the objects were small, it was possible to put them into the microscope chamber of the scanning electron microscope SEM. After degreasing with acetone, a tiny area on the surface of the object was prepared by making a very small scrape or scratch, visible only under the microscope, which exposed a minute area of clean surface for analysis. This meant that the objects did not have to be sampled, nevertheless it was sometimes difficult to position the objects accurately in the microscope to give the optimum conditions for analysis. The geometry of the earrings and necklace made them especially difficult to analyse and so the results of the analysis of the earrings and necklace are semi-quantitative while those for the ring and chain are quantitative and are given below under each individual item.
The ring AF and the loop-in-loop chain AF show slightly lower gold contents in all components. Increased silver on the joining area on one of the earrings AF suggested the use of a silver-rich solder and there was no evidence of increased copper on the surface. Lead was found in the join on the ring, but not elsewhere, suggesting that it formed part of the solder.
The presence of lead at filigree joins was also noted by one of the present authors J. Lang, unpublished report on the gold filigree panels on the Derrynaflan paten. There, more than a third of the joins analysed exhibited increased lead contents. Small quantities of lead would not greatly lower the melting point of gold : it is suggested, however, that finely divided gold and lead might have been used, possibly mixed with a glue binder.
It is difficult if not impossible to make an accurate assessment of the composition of the solder because the area is extremely small and thus difficult for analysis, and also because solution and diffusion take place on heating. Details of the analyses are included in the reports on the individual items.
The objects were examined by both optical and scanning electron microscopy. The sapphire beads were perforated by drilling inwards from both ends : in some stones a sharp change of angle can be seen where the two drill holes meet. Sapphire is much harder than most of the abrasives which were available in antiquity, but experimental work by Foster demonstrates that the Romans could have drilled and polished sapphires with sapphire or diamond, perhaps with a horizontal bow drill.
The intaglios and cameo are all unmounted but are of the type commonly found in Roman rings. AF and AF are very well polished. Only AF shows evidence of wheel cutting and its pale upper layer may have been artificially etched. The round wire used in the necklace fig. Block-twisted wire is made by twisting a square-sectioned rod of the required thickness for the wire.
It is then rolled between two hard surfaces, for example, two flat pieces of hard wood, until the surface is smooth and the cross-section more or less round. This was a common method of wire making before the introduction of wire-drawing in Late Byzantine times. The loop-in-loop chain was made from soldered loops of gold wire threaded through each other and folded over to form a tightly knitted flexible chain.
This is still a standard method of chain making and is described by Untracht The beaded wire fig. The techniques employed in making the jewellery in the Carthage Treasure were widely used in the late Roman period. Items of Jewellery in the Carthage Treasure. Cameo AF This unmounted stone is a fine quality agate, banded smokey blue and cream. It is so well polished that characteristic features of the tool marks have been obliterated. Intaglio AF This unmounted stone is dark green, translucent, micro- crystalline quartz, identified as prase.
It is so well polished that the characteristic features of the tool marks have been obliterated. The pale upper layer was probably deliberately whitened by etching, and the design was wheel-cut. The green stones are emeralds and the blue stones are all sapphires with two exceptions ; the dull, crazed stone is cordie- rite also known as water sapphire and the milky blue stone adjacent to it is a microcrystalline quartz, best defined as chai-. Loop-in-loop chain AF Showing the round wire Scale bar 1 mm. Necklace AF Showing the beaded wire Scale bar 1 mm.
These two stones do not have an emerald between them and may be part of a later repair. In order to see if extra links were added to secure the chalcedony and cordierite stones, the adjacent gold links were analysed and also links on the opposite side of the necklace.
The results are given in table 1. Table 1 - Analysis of necklace AF semi-quantitative. The composition of the gold links of the chain in the region of the chalcedony and cordierite is somewhat variable and so would tend to support the idea that the stones were replacements. The necklace is made from lengths of wire onto which the stones and pearls are threaded, each length terminating in a loop which is used to link it to the next segment. The wire was made by block-twisting. Various metal parts of the earrings were analysed and the results are given below.
Table 2 - Analysis of the earrings semi-quantitative i AF Note : where an element is below the detection limit, it is represented by -. The earring loops are significantly different in composition. The earrings are constructed using a loop which passes through the ear, with a smaller ring soldered onto it broken on AF , from which the stones and gold beads are suspended on a gold wire. The construction of the box setting on the earrings was also investigated by radiography. The radiographs show that the box-settings consist of a back and sides soldered together with a collet on the top.
The suspension wire passes through the hollow box, behind the emerald. Various components of the ring were analysed and the results are given in the following table :. Table 3 - Analysis of the ring AF Note : the location of the areas of analysis are shown in fig. The results of the two analyses at an area which appeared to be solder when viewed in the SEM, illustrates the difficulties of identifying solder visually fig. The first analysis 4 showed the presence of lead while another analysis made in the same area did not.
The area between the granule and setting also contained lead, so it is concluded that the solder was probably lead mixed with gold. It is interesting to note that these three areas contained some chlorine, perhaps as a result of fluxing. A visual examination of the ring suggests that it was cast and then finished with a small hammer. The surface on the inside is uneven and hammering on the outside has produced a bevelled shape. The setting appears to have been made from sheet, which was first formed into a tube and then triangles were cut with a knife or chisel from one end to form claws.
Small globules have been soldered onto the ends of the claws. A small ring links the claws just below the globules and serves as a setting for the pearl. The pearl has a hole through it and is secured by a short length of wire which is attached to the small ring, between the main claws. Globules are also attached at the base of each claw, where it is attached to the ring. The analyses were carried out on the uncleaned surface and therefore the copper and silver contents may be slightly depressed because of surface depletion.
The components of the terminals were also analysed. Table 4 - Analysis of the loop-in-loop chain AF Ring AF Location of the areas of analysis Scale bar 1 mm see table 3. The composition of the collar and the head suggest that they were made from different pieces of metal soldered together, the join being hidden by a band of beaded wire. The two pieces of beaded wire seen to have come from different sources.
Fire stains on the lower beaded band and the chain suggest that it was a repair. The chain was made from wire by the loop-in-loop method identical to the description by Untracht The wire used to make the loops was formed by block- twisting, a method of wire making which has been described above. Sulphur was frequently used in this way in Roman and Hellenistic jewellery Ogden The collar of the terminals are made of a separate sheet of gold and attached by soldering.
The join was covered by beaded wire. The beaded wire is soldered to the top and bottom of the collar. The chain itself is secured inside the terminal by a round headed pin which passes though the collar. The metal and stones used for the jewellery and the constructional methods employed to make it are those which one might expect to find on objects from the period. The main features are :. A cordierite and a chalcedony bead were also used. Zinc, mercury or tin were not found while lead only appears at joins on the ring. Traces of chlorine, found mainly in the joining areas of the earrings, ring and chain terminals suggest that it remains as a result of the fluxing process.
SAX M. Research Society Symposium Proceedings, vol. ODDY W. The Carthage treasure, dated to late antiquity, was found on the Hill of St. The treasure was split up and is now to be found partly in the collections of the Louvre and partly in the British Museum. The objects in the latter institution consist of two hemispherical bowls with broad flat decorated edges AF , , a handled bowl with a frog in relief AF , three faceted hemispherical bowls, one with a lid AF , , , seven spoons with hemispherical bowls and niello decoration AF , and five spoons with pear-shaped bowls and long tapering handles AF To complement a study conducted by the Louvre, the British Museum objects were analysed and technically examined.
The results of this work are outlined below and conclude with a report on each object individually. A number of papers and books have been published on the technology of Roman silver. The composition of Roman silver has also been investigated by Hughes Reports on groups of silver objects from Mildenhall, Water Newton and Kaiseraugst have also been published Lang et al.
Niello has been studied by La Niece and gilding by Oddy , , The silver was analysed by energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence XRF using a system with a 40 W tungsten target x-ray tube and a PC-based multichannel analyser. Unless stated otherwise the areas analysed were abraded with silicon carbide paper prior to measurement with the aim of removing surface enrichment and exposing a surface representative of the bulk metal.
The gilded areas were not abraded, however, as the gilded layer is extremely thin and would be removed by. The equipment and methods used are fully described by Cowell Details of the analyses can be found below in the individual reports on each object following the general discussion. The faceted bowls AF and the spoons with rounded bowls AF showed some differences between the compositions of their component parts. The foot- rings of the faceted bowls were higher in silver than the bowls themselves. As individual results, the differences are barely significant, but there is a consistent trend which suggests that different batches of metal may have been used.
The analyses were carried out on the rim of the foot ring and the outside of the bowl, areas which present a favourable geometry for analysis. The spoons with the rounded bowls also showed a very slight trend towards a slightly higher silver content in the handles in comparison with the bowls of the spoons.
The handles present difficulties in geometry for XRF because they are thin and by no means flat. This may induce a slight, spurious increase in the silver content. X-ray diffraction analysis of the niello inlay on the spoon AF shows that it was composed of silver chloride which is the standard composition of niello at this period. The presence of mercury in the gilding on the two shallow inscribed dishes AF , indicates that they were fire gilded : the process and its use is described by Oddy , Its use began during the early part of the Roman era and was well established by the fourth century AD.
The visual examination was carried out using a low-powered binocular microscope with a magnification of between 10X and 40X. A specimen was removed from the handle of one of the spoons AF and examined in cross section by optical microscopy and in the scanning electron microscope SEM. Examination of the objects indicates that they were initially cast. Some, like the pear-shaped spoons, were probably cast to their final shape and only needed cleaning up and a little decoration to complete them.
It is reasonable to suppose that spoons may also been cast in silver as well as in bronze. The faceted bowls also appear to have been cast to a bowl shape although their footrings were worked fig. The other objects were made by casting to a suitable shape, such as a disc, and then hammering it to the desired dimensions before finishing. The two flanged bowls were sunken rather than raised or spun fig. Sinking can be defined as working a bowl or similar vessel by hammering on the inside Thomas In raising, the bowl is worked from the outside. Normally the metal used for sinking is much thicker in cross section that used for raising.
The latter process was probably the most widely used, however. Spinning requires a robust lathe ; the metal, usually sheet, is positioned next to the pattern or chuck which is fixed to the power head of the lathe. As this rotates, a tool held firmly against the surface forces the metal to take up the shape of the pattern. It is doubtful if the lathes available at this period were sufficiently powerful to.
The metal of the flanges on the flanged bowls is considerably thicker than the sides of the bowls, which is consistent with sinking. The other three bowls AF , , were made by conventional raising techniques, although hammered-in fins visible on the underside of the inscribed bowls suggest that the amount of working carried out was not great. The footrings were made separately, possibly from ham- mered-out sheet, and then soldered on. Hard solder was probably used although no solder was identified. No porosity was detected in the area around the joins, although some discontinuities could be seen.
No colour changes were visible which would have indicated the use of soft solder. The handles of the spoons, however, do not appear to have been soldered on. A careful examination has not revealed a soldered join, and, as no other evidence of the handles originally being separate from the bowls was found, it is most probable that they were cast as one. The lathe was used for finishing and decorating most of the objects. The cast or worked surfaces were turned on the lathe, removing surface roughness or unevenness.
The chatter marks on the underside of one of the flanged bowls fig. Xeroradiograph of faceted bowl, showing an uneven worked radiographie texture on the base. Xeroradiograph showing the worked bowl of the deep flanged dish. Tool chatter marks on the underside of flanged bowl AF In common with other Late Roman silver objects, the undersides of the flanged bowls and inscribed dishes are not very well finished. They are hammered and scraped, but no attempt has been made to finish them by planishing and polishing.
Similar examples can be found in other hoards, including the Neptune dish from Mildenhall and the Achilles dish from Kaiseraugst Lang etal. The front sides of the objects and parts which would be seen were polished, especially in areas of relief such as the figures on the flanged bowls. Between the highly polished figures scrape marks or turning lines can still be seen, however. Worked decoration was carried out mainly by chasing and punching. The relief heads or busts on the flanged bowl AF present an unusual feature : extra pieces of silver have been inlayed to increase their relief and make them stand out more noticeably fig.
It is a technique which is rarely found on Roman silver but often used on figures in Sassanian silver Gibbons et al. The feathered decoration on the two inscribed bowls AF , and the two pear-shaped spoons with decorated bowls is not uncommon and is carried out by chasing.
The Ariadne dish in the Kaiseraugst treasure is an example of the use of this decoration. Beading decorates the rims of the two flanged bowl and it is interesting to note that there were differences between the two bowls in the execution of the beading. The rims of the bowls were first bent downwards but AF was bent to a right angle while AF was bent to less than a right angle. The beads were made using a rounded concave die made in a square sectioned rod.
The die was held on the angle of the rim where it was bent downwards. The die used for bowl AF produced hemispherical beads fig. Punch marks on the underside of the flange of AF fig. A slightly different technique was employed in making the beads on AF ; the rim was bent downwards at a shallower angle on this bowl and after beading was completed the angle of the rim was increased so that the gap was closed, obscuring signs of punching. The rim is now at right angles to the flange.
The beads became more rounded in the process. Inlayed silver used to increase the relief on one of the figures on bowl AF Beads on the rim of bowl AF Objects from the Carthage Treasure. The worked silver bowl has a broad flat flange, decorated with beading at the edge and ornamented with four pastoral groups chased in low relief. The central medallion is decorated with a figure between a ram and a dog. The bowl stands on a low footring. Punch marks on the underside of bowl AF , showing where the beads had been hammered into the die.
Examination and discussion. Examination suggests that the silver to make the bowl was probably first cast to a suitable shape, such as a disc. The rim. A beaded rim and a footring completed the bowl. The original cast structure can be seen as an uneven and porous surface within the footring on the underside. In the same area, ripples on the surface mirror the motif on the inside of the bowl and confirm that the design was worked and not cast in.
The retention of the cast structure at the centre suggests that the design was partly executed before working the bowl. The variable thickness of the wall of the bowl, which thins markedly about 10 mm from the flange and has perforated where it is thinnest, shows that it was worked.
In contrast, the flange and rim are relatively thick, which suggest that the working process used was sinking rather than raising. The beaded decoration on the rim was executed using a die Lang, Holmes First the rim was turned downwards and then the die was applied to the edge. Punches were used in between the beads to add definition. The design on the flange was completed after the beading ; some of the chased animals feet extend onto the broad scraped band which skirts the beads. Chasing and punching were used to outline the design and add details.
The tools used included two oval tipped punches, two sizes of ring punch, a triangular tipped punch, a crescent tipped punch and other chasing punches. There was some scraping in between the raised areas of the design, suggesting that carving had been employed to sharpen the definition of the figures. The underside of the flange was scraped using the lathe which removed any signs of work penetrating through to the undersurface.
The lathe was also used to inscribe lines within the footring and around the medallion. The footring itself must have been soldered on towards the end of the fabrication process. Traces of a discontinuity can be seen within a millimetre or two on either side of the footring. On the inside, the footring bears a dotted, punched inscription. The raised silver bowl, similar to AF , has a broad flat flange decorated with beads and ornamented with four pastoral groups chased in low relief, separated by four heads.
The relief of the latter is increased by inserts of silver. The bottom of the bowl is decorated with a chased leaf motif and supported underneath by a low footring. The bowl is similar to AF in general construction but one or two features worth noting were observed. The turned undersurface of the flange exhibited chatter marks similar to those on AF , but one group of lines, close to the rim, show opposing orientations in two of the adjacent bands fig. This indicates that the lathe had a reciprocating motion and the tool was not removed from the bowl surface on the back stroke.
This is of especial interest and is important evidence to show that the intermittent action pole lathe was in use Craddock The rim was formed by turning down the outer edge of the flange. Beads were made on the bent edge, using a square sectioned die with a hemispherical hollow in the face. Working was carried out from left to right, with punches applied on the underside, held at a slight angle. A line of punch marks can be seen under the rim, overlying the chatter marks. The footring is soldered into position : discontinuities can be seen close to it, both inside and outside the ring.
Unevenness was reduced by light turning. The outlines and details of the figures were chased and punched from the front after the beaded rim was completed, as the tool marks overlie the edges of several beads. The heads on the flange presented an unusual feature : the relief was increased by inserting small shaped pieces of silver. These additions are of slightly different composition to the rest of the bowl and are uncommon on Roman silver plate. Each cast silver bowl stands on a high tapering foot, the exterior of both bowl and foot being vertically faceted.
The bowls appear to have been approximately cast to shape and then turned on the lathe. The facets were made on the outside by scraping. The analyses suggest that it is possible that the bowls were cast at the same time from the same melt. The bowls are extremely well finished and it is only under the rims and within the footrings that the evidence of casting can be observed. The areas within the footring are uneven and have the slightly roughened, mottled appearance of metal which has been cast and lightly hammered.
Radiographs show an even texture, suggesting that the effect of the hammering is only superficial. Under the rim some casting porosity can be seen, overlaid with scraping. The footrings, on the other hand, appear to have been considerably more worked ; there are hammer marks on the surface and the radiographs show a mottled appearance typical of worked metal.
The footrings were soldered onto the bowls doubtless with hard solder as the join is virtually invisible. The outside of the footring on bowl AF has some marks or flaws, possibly due to corrosion. The outsides of the footrings were turned before faceting. The facets on the bowls were produced by scraping.
Most of the scrape marks run vertically downwards although traces of earlier horizontal scrape marks can also be seen on one bowl AF It is probable that the facets on all of the bowls and the lid were made by first scraping across to produce a series of slight flats and ridges and then scraping downwards. The facets terminated about 10 mm below the rim at the lower of two turned lines. The decorative bands on the outside of the bowl were turned on the lathe, as was the sharply profiled rim. The sharp bladed tool used on the inside of the rim was probably about 2 mm in width, judging by the width of the turned bands.
Each bowl has a small mark or pip, produced by rotating a sharp pointed tool at the centre both on the footring area on the outside and also on the inside. Here it is surrounded by a very small unturned band which was covered by the chuck when the bowl was mounted on the lathe. Simple decoration was provided inside each bowl by a smooth circular band approximately 0. The latter was made by allowing the tool to chatter deliberately, leaving a band of small radial lines. The lid has a pip on the concave surface. This is surrounded by a narrow unpolished band which was under the chuck.
Outside this is a decorative serrated band. Further turned lines complete the simple decoration. The outside of the lid is faceted in the same way as the bowls, with turned bands of decoration just below the rim and at the join with the footring. The inside of the footring is polished and the area within it turned to produce a shiny surface, except at the centre where a 10 mm circle was covered by the chuck during turning. Both sides of the lid are decorated and finished as it was doubtless intended to be used both as a lid and an extra small vessel.
The raised silver bowl has a footring and a handle decorated with a chased and punched drop design. Part of the bowl is in a poor and fragmentary condition, and has been repaired with solder and resin. Radiography shows that the bowl was raised. Hammer marks are still visible on the outer surface. The inner surface of the bowl is smooth and well finished. Concentric lines faintly visible underlying the polish indicate that the lathe was used to remove the traces of working on the inner surface.
The rim was made by hammering down the edge, and punch marks can be seen on the outside just below the rim. The lathe was used to make the plain, broad bands encircling the frog. Later the frog was outlined from the front by chasing and punching. The spots were punched with a small pointed tool. The footring has a flared lower edge, produced by hammering downwards on the outside of the edge as it rested on a stake. The hammer marks have not been removed by turning or planishing and it is not very well finished. The handle consists of a rod decorated with drop shapes, in relief.
The drops have chased outlines, and scraping has be used to increase the relief of the drop shapes. No traces of a join or of solder are visible, but the handle and the join area have been worked so that porosity or other signs of soldering might have been disguised. The shallow silver dishes stand on low footrings and have punched decoration, inscriptions and gilding. There is a small but significant difference between the composition of the bowl and the handle which suggests that the handle was not cast in one piece with the bowl.
The footring was also added and not cast in one. The bowls were cast and then worked to shape. The outside of both bowls show hammered-in casting fins and laps, with many hammer marks on the surfaces. Defects on the hammer surface can be seen reproduced many times on the back of AF , while a smooth-faced planishing hammer was used, somewhat irregularly, on the back and sides of AF The sides were raised, but the rim was not thickened by hammering at right angles.
This is frequently done to increase the strength of the sides but as the sides of these bowls are low it was evidently not considered necessary to do it in this case. The rim of AF is of even thickness average 1. Footrings were soldered onto both bowls, probably in the form of a straight sided ring. This was subsequently hammered out to its present flared profile. The finish on AF is considerably better than that on AF , where the rim of the foot- ring is rough and many punch marks can be seen at its base. The marks show clearly that two different punches were used : one with a narrow, almost rectangular cross-section, curving upwards at the ends, while the other had a more rounded section.
The footring on AF was turned on a lathe to produce a smooth finish. On bowl AF , the lathe was also used to smooth the surface on the area within the footring not covered by the chuck. The inside of each bowl was turned before the design was added : traces of even lines running around the centre and the footring by deliberately allowing the tool to chatter, producing a series of very closely separated short radial lines. The insides of the bowls are decorated with a number of turned lines and bands, at the rim, the base of the wall and enclosing inscriptions around the centre.
Broad grooved, chased lines fill the remainder of the surface. Straight broad chased grooves run down the sides at right angles to the rim, and curving S-shaped grooves are chased on the base from the central medallion to the base of the wall. The broader ends of the S-shaped curves, finishing close to the change of profile at the side, have been completed with a small chased crescent.
There is some variation in the method of executing the crescents. Some show an intermittent irregular profile, while others have a smooth continuous V-shaped profile, with the appearance of engraved lines. This is probably because the tool was either changed, sharpened or held differently. To complete the decoration, the inscription was punched in, using a wedge shaped tool and the centre and the broad chased band were mercury gilded. The recent archaeological discovery of Roman moulds for casting spoons from bronze suggests that Roman spoons were often cast to shape Budd, Bayley Fine porosity visible on the discs of the five spoons confirms that casting was the main method of manufacture.
Stylistically the spoons can be divided into three types :. The first type are similar in appearance and in finish. A little working may have been used to refine the shape of the bowls after casting. A small triangular punch mark which can be seen on the inside of the bowl of AF is evidence of this. On the. Former Library book. Used - Good.
Shows some signs of wear and may have some markings on the inside. Ships Fast. Expedite Shipping Available. Previous owner stamp on TP otherwise like new. Book is in overall good condition!! Cover shows some edge wear and corners are lightly worn. Pages have a minimal to moderate amount of markings. Ha pubblicato in volume Metri e temi della scuola siciliana, Moretti in diacronia, Rifrazioni dal reale, Interpretazioni sociologiche.
Ha curato con Franco Greco un volume di saggi su Eduardo 2ooo. Ha scritto articoli su vari argomenti come la lettura, la canzone napoletana, il romanzo settecentesco, Rocco Scotellaro, Anna Maria Ortese, la pubblicistica femminile, la narrativa europea ottocentesca. In copertina: Libro aperto, Scuola tedesca. Firenze, Uffizi. Bois originaux de Mary Morin. Illustrated book of original woods by Mary Morin. Nice copy. Collectible - Very Good.
Signed Copy Collectible - Very Good. Good dust jacket. New unread minor shelf wear. By contrast, newly trained state teachers saw it as their mission to provide a 'non-superstitious' education. For a vivid picture of one such instituteur, see Marcel Pagnol's La Glaire de man pere. Private schools, mostly Catholic, became the minority, with pupils choosing them mainly on religious grounds they are still part-underwritten by the state so the fees are low. This helps explains why, on the whole, the road to a good education in France still today runs through the public sector, rather than via exclusive private schools as in some countries d.
In this context the Church found itself on the 'wrong' side in the Dreyfus Affair. Republican values, such as the right of the individual to a fair trial, freedom of speech, belief and the press, were seen by pro-Dreyfusards as the key issue. And while republicans of the s were no revolutionaries, most of them remained fiercely anticlerical. Why was the Church implicated at all? For one thing, bourgeois families from which army officers were recruited often sent their sons to Jesuit colleges.
Second, while it would be quite wrong to see all Catholics as having been anti-Dreyfusards, some outspoken groups within the Church backed the army, often insulting the republic at the same time. Protestants, a small minority in France, mostly took the republican side. From the high feelings raised by the Affair, pressure built up for the Church to be separated from the state - until then the two had coexisted uneasily, with the state paying the clergy. Republican governments in the s took the final step of formal Separation, completed in with some bitterness the banning of religious orders, the taking of inventories of churches, etc.
The two have remained separate: there is no question of prayers being said in the French National Assembly, as they are at the opening of the British Parliament. Hostility between Church and republic probably remained its fiercest in 28 Contemporary French Cultural Studies the fifty or so years after the Dreyfus Affair.
Even in the s, as older people can remember, state and Church school pupils could come to blows in the street. Political life reflected this too. Maurice Larkin has pointed out that when General de Gaulle became head of the provisional government in , he was the first practising Catholic to be head of government for 70 years. And one reason why French politicians resisted women's suffrage during the inter-war years was the fear that women, believed to be more religious than men, would vote for pro-clerical parties.
Some traces of this Church state hostility still remain - as late as when a socialist government tried to modify the status of Church schools, a widespread outcry prevented the changes, so it is not dead. And Catholicism remains a cultural presence in many subtle ways in French literature and the arts. But looking back from , what seems most obvious is that with the decline of Catholic observance in France, anticlericalism too has waned. On the other hand the question of religious background and schooling has arisen in connection with Islam see chapter 8.
Discrimination against the 'other': the problem of antisemitism One of the key features of the Dreyfus Affair was the suggestion that because the army had identified a Jewish officer as a possible suspect, it decided to look no further. In other words, it was guilty of antisemitism. This term, meaning hostility to or discrimination against Jewish people, first became current at this time all over Europe.
It is ironic that it should have become entangled with French history, since after the Revolution discrimination was uniquely banned in France, where Jews could be citizensso Dreyfus was able to pursue a career in the higher ranks of the army. But when in the late nineteenth century Jews fleeing persecution in Eastern Europe began to arrive in France, stirrings of antisemitism appeared there too.
Edouard Drumont, editor of the antisemitic newspaper La Libre Parole, played an energetic role in the Affair. Anti-Dreyfusards like him claimed that there was a Jewish 'syndicate' protecting Dreyfus: antisemitic invective reached levels that would appal people today. Such propaganda was temporarily silenced after the Affair, and as Pierre Birnbaum has argued cf.
Caron , , French Jews became strongly republican, rightly seeing the republic as defender of their rights. Under the pressure of Nazism during the s, however, antisemitism revived, coinciding once more with a wave of refugees, and the growth of a home-grown version of fascism in France. Once more, newspaper articles which would be banned today for racism became fairly commonplace.
Shortly before becoming prime minister, the Jewish leader of the socialist party Leon Blum was set upon in the street. France was certainly not alone in this: How the French present is shaped by the past 29 antisemitism was also quite openly voiced by people in Britain at the time. But in France, the tragic circumstances of the German invasion of turned antisemitism into an affair of state.
After the fall of France, the Vichy authorities introduced discriminatory measures against Jews, and cooperated when ordered by the Nazis to assist in deporting thousands of Jews, of both French and foreign origin, to concentration camps. This aspect of Vichy policy has been revealed progressively since the war and is now fully recognized by French historians and politicians. In the s, both Presidents Mitterrand and Chirac called for remembrance of the suffering of Jews in wartime France.
But without underestimating the role this reappraisal has played in the psychic history of France since , it seems true to say that the traumas of the war have effectively put an end to the kind of antisemitism seen in earlier days, except for its residual form in the right-wing party, the Front National. The rise of the intellectuals The fourth area of 'ferment' emerging from the Dreyfus Affair is the rise of the intellectuals - the very word first came into use around , and has always been associated with France see chapter It may seem odd to connect it with ferment.
But from the start, the term 'intellectuals' was explicitly linked to combat. When Zola wrote ']'accuse' in January , accusing the French army of a cover-up, scientists, academics and literary figures signed petitions on both sides of the debate, lending their names and reputations to a political cause - as many still do in France today. Julien Benda later called this 'La trahison des clercs', complaining that the educated were betraying their calling by descending into the political arena.
During the , intellectuals were once more prominent, many joining anti-fascist groups, some supporting the fascist cause in their writings. If the right-wing journalist and polemicist Robert Brasillach was executed at the liberation, it was for what he had written, not for any military action. Looking back from beyond , 'French intellectuals' in this political sense might be viewed as having arisen from a particular historical context, between the Dreyfus Affair and the Algerian War.
The concept arises out of the existence of a highly educated elite, before educational reforms had spread to the entire population. Meritocratic access to higher education was in theory open to all, but in practice before about it favoured boys and a few girls from well-off families. It produced several remarkable generations of gifted, well-trained and often world-famous philosophers, scientists and thinkers, whose exposure to the tormented politics of the century's first fifty or so years explained their engagement or 'commitment'.
Many of them took up some kind of position favourable, hostile or ambiguous in relation to the French Communist 30 Contemporary French Cultural Studies Party, which was at its most influential in the years from to the mid s - as described in Beauvoir's novel Les Mandarins - while Marxism more generally appealed to many intellectuals unlike in Britain until the last quarter of the twentieth century.
From this brief overview, we might suggest first that from about to about and perhaps beyond, these four features could be seen as specific forces in French history. It is true that some of them might be found in other European countries - but not in quite the same form. Second, after World War II, all of these factors either became less important or were modified, as France underwent far-reaching change, making it more like the country we recognize today.
France's second twentieth century No doubt the seeds of change were already there by But the remarkable pace at which France was transformed from a country largely identified with farmers and small businesses to an advanced urban and technological nation, in the latter half of the twentieth century, makes the last fifty years a time of exceptional cultural change. To simplify a complex picture, let us concentrate on five major features. Economic and demographic change, and the role of the state After , the French economy experienced the 'trente glorieuses', the 'thirty miracle years' which saw a population explosion, the dramatic 'rural exodus', and the expansion of industry.
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The single most important change after was not immediate, and came as a surprise to contemporaries: population revival. Between the wars France had had a strikingly low birth rate, the despair of governments who feared military defeat if too few children were born to replace the losses of After , there was a predictable baby boom: what was not so predictable was that it lasted until the s, bringing all the benefits and some of the problems of a young nation.
In Dreyfus's time the French population had been about 40 million and it was still at this level in Now the figure is nearer 60 million. The birth rate slowed from the s however and is now once more low, hence the incentives in the French social security system for larger families. In the latter half of the twentieth century, these changes were mostly beneficial and seen as marking a new confidence: in the twenty-first century however, the baby boom generation may pose more of a problem as it reaches retirement see chapter 6.
The population also changed its patterns of residence. At the time of the How the French present is shaped by the past 31 Dreyfus Affair, about half the French population 18 out of about 40 million depended on the land for a living. Not until did the 'urban' population people living in communes of over people overtake the rural population. The s depression and the Occupation of , when it was an advantage to live in the countryside, slowed down the move to the towns, but it took off dramatically after , as peasant-farmers and their relations left the land.
Today, although French farmers are still a noticeably vociferous pressure group, less than 6 or 7 per cent of the population depend on farming for a living. Agriculture is no longer the self-sufficient way of life it remained as recently as the s, but is now an important and subsidized export sector of the French economy, linked to intensive food manufacture.
Patterns of domestic consumption have changed too. France is still a country where good food matters, but French people now shop in supermarkets and buy laboursaving food - less than Americans or the British, but far more than previous generations. From the s, French households acquired cars, TV sets, and other goods, developing living patterns quite different from those of their predecessors.
Last, France has also undergone a technological revolution, symbolized for many by the high-speed trains the TGVs, trains agrande vitesse. The post-war modernization of the economy was achieved partly with the help of another feature particular to France, and one less obviously to the fore in the early twentieth century: the role of the centralized state in directing the economy and administration. After World War II, the state nationalized several key sectors of heavy industry, and introduced a form of indicative planning which was much admired elsewhere.
The French etatiste or 'statist' tradition goes back at least to Napoleonic times, if not to Colbert and the seventeenth century. It certainly played a part in the 'trente glorieuses', and post-war recovery. In the twentieth century, the modern heyday of etatisme was perhaps from to the early s when the socialist government under President Mitterrand further expanded the state sector.
Since then, there has been something of a retreat from state ownership and planning. The TGV may come to seem the last grand state enterprise, a prestigious success achieved by means of large-scale public investment. Today, politicians of both right and left have accepted modification of the state tradition, including privatizations and some decentralization of political power, not to mention the impact of Europe. But France still has a large public sector compared to its neighbours, and the state tradition is more ingrained into French everyday life than it may be in the reader's home country.
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French public employees for example have a particular conception of their service which carries certain rights and privileges. And in the realm of culture and language, the state plays a quite special role in France see chapters 4, 5,10 and For example, in prewar times, the s depression hit France less immediately and less sharply than its more industrialized neighbours, Germany and Britain, because France was less connected to the European and American economies. Then too, it still had a colonial empire.
Today's French economy - more outwardlooking and export-led - is also more vulnerable to world competition. Unemployment is often the price that is paid for openness to the outside world and the thirty 'glorious years' were followed by another twenty or more ss when France suffered high levels of unemployment. One important kind of openness to the outside world came in both symbolic and material form with the creation of the European Community. It would have been hard to predict in how closely France and Germany would be cooperating, as first the Coal and Steel Community and then the Common Market were set up.
The Community was devised by Jean Monnet and others precisely to reconcile these two continental nations. Even today differences of interest can arise. But whatever the issue, Germany is for France the key partner and interlocutor in the European context - much more so than Britain. Whereas in the first part of the century, France was a rather uneasy ally of Britain, and feared Germany, now it respects Germany and is in some ways fairly indifferent to Britain, a country which has been ambivalent about Europe.
As the newspaper Le Monde put it in , 'nothing could be further apart than the British Eurosceptics who openly ask whether their country ought to get out of a Europe they think of as "foreign", and the Eurosceptics on the continent who criticize the abuses of Brussels in order to promote a firmer union'. Now Strasbourg houses the European Parliament.
With the creation of the Euro on 1 January , France and Germany both joined something described in English as 'Euroland'. The new common currency joined world finance markets as an alternative to the US dollar. The cultural implications of this change, which will mean the disappearance of the franc, have yet to become clear, hut it is the culmination of a very different trajectory for France from the history of If France has increasingly come to be identified as a European nation, that is in part because of the loss of empire.
Many of France's colonies achieved independence in the early s by agreement, but in the major cases of Indochina and Algeria, independence came after long and bitter struggles and The Indochina war was in part linked togeopolitics and great power struggles: France was replaced by the US after , and after further conflict, the Vietnam war came to an end only in the s.
In the case of Algeria, administratively regarded as part of France, the effects of the war were more hard-felt in France itself. It was the cause of the fall of How the French present is shaped by the past 33 the Fourth Republic and the return to power of General de Gaulle in Four years later, his government concluded a peace treaty leading to Algerian independence, but not without some bitter legacies, at least in the short term. Last, France's place in the world has also been affected by the collapse of communism both inside and outside France especially since Under de Gaulle and to a lesser extent under his successors, France operated a fairly independent foreign policy within the western alliance, having unilateral relations with some communist countries, notably the former USSR.
Political change France's trajectory has been a different one politically as well as economically. France is still a republic, and republican sentiments run deep in a number of its cultural institutions cf. But it is no longer the same republic. For one thing - and this is a pointer to a major cultural change - it now has a political system encompassing both sexes. When women voted for the first time in , the event was noted, yet many did not sense it as the sign of major change. It has indeed taken a long time for women to be admitted to the centres of political power through election to councils and parliament.
But in retrospect, the change points to a very striking difference from pre-war France. The republic is now truly based on universal suffrage and despite the persistence of a distinctive Gallic 'vive la difference' culture that Anglo-Americans sometimes find hard to take women playa very significant role in French society.
The historian Rene Remond, in conclusion to his history of twentieth-century France , singled out the status of women as the greatest change in his lifetime.
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In the s, 'parity of representation' for men and women in the Assembly became an issue cf. In , fears forthe republic's existence almost seemed justified, as the Fourth Republic collapsed in division over the traumatic Algerian War. The Fifth Republic, distinguished from its predecessors by the key role of the president and of presidential elections, was largely the creation of General de Gaulle. Born in , he was exactly the same age as Dreyfus's young son during the Affair, but his impact on France was felt most in the later part of the twentieth century.
In , defying his superior officers, he launched the Free French, and became a national hero at the Liberation. In , he was recalled to power by the army, 'to restore order' - ironically, precisely the kind of scenario republicans had feared during the Dreyfus Affair - as well as to hold on to Algeria. But the clock was not turned back. De Gaulle was no dictator and proceeded to 34 Contemporary French Cultural Studies decolonize France's overseas possessions, including Algeria, and to institute the Fifth Republic which, although not undisputed, is now compared favourably with its less stable predecessors.
The socialist Fran Fewer intellectuals, more culture-shocks If May did not in the short term cause a crise de regime - June elections restored de Gaulle's government to power, although he himself soon retired - it was certainly a profound cultural crisis, the coming of age of the post-war generation. The pre-war intellectuals mentioned earlier, a 'generation of intellectual turbo-compressors Jean-Paul Sartre was enthusiastically on the side of the student revolution, but he found an unaccustomed note on the lectern when he went to speak at the Mutualite: 'Sartre, be brief and to the point'.
Several changes combined to reduce - though not to abolish - both the commitment of intellectuals and the respect which they had once been accorded. One was the decline - though not quite disappearance - of the French Communist Party, with which so many post-war intellectuals sympathized. The world decline of communism was not as predictable in , despite the 'Prague Spring', as it seems now from the other side of , but the dwindling of the Communist Party in France during the s and 80s reduced the size of an important subculture.
In retrospect it is possible to see that this partly explains the so-called silence of the intellectuals remarked on during those decades, before a certain revival in very recent years. Another factor was the expansion of higher education, a root cause of the How the French present is shaped by the past 35 unrest of In and even in the s, only a tiny minority of French school pupils thought in terms of a university education. It has now become the ambition of most people that their children have some form of higher education.
There are still educationally privileged elites - in France's unique system of grandes ecoles - but the ambitions of their graduates are often administrative or commercial rather than intellectual-political. Today there are large numbers of well-educated adults, and plenty of academics, scientists and teachers, not to mention students, all ready to contest received opinion, so the rarity value of the intellectuals has been diluted. With these changes it might be argued, the place of the intellectual in the post-Sartrean years was for a while vacant and became divided among various categories who did not quite fit the 'freelance-philosopher' model.
Professional academics for example - historians of the Annales School like Fernand Braudel and Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, or scientists like Laurent Schwarz - became celebrated figures without being firmly identified with political stances. Some became maitres a penser or gurus - often accorded particular fame outside France: Jacques Derrida, Julia Kristeva and Roland Barthes are examples.
The trajectory of Pierre Bourdieu, the academic sociologist who has developed a high profile as a committed intellectual, is doubly significant in this respect. Another challenge to the pre-eminence of the intellectual has been the expansion of the media, which has created a number of well-known and street-credible personalities.
France was naturally affected by the arrival of radio and television: it had an early version of the home computer in the Minitel, and has now after a few wobbles, d. The advertising image, the soap opera, the computer screen, the sound-bite and the mobile phone compete for the attention a previous generation would have given to reading books and newspapers.
The cultural change symbolized by was in part a generational change. Youth culture, centred in part around music, in part around sport, in part around fashions of all kinds, has become pretty much world wide d. Future role models will not necessarily be 'intellectuals' at all. A different 'otherness' The fifth great change to be mentioned here is not peculiar to France, but it could be argued that it has a particular resonance in France.
In Dreyfus's day, Jews from Eastern Europe were among immigrants seeking asylum in France, traditionally a country of refuge. The twentieth century was to see much immigration into France, especially when adult male labour was 36 Contemporary French Cultural Studies needed. Young men from Poland, Belgium and Italy were drawn to France after World War I, while after World War II, with the massive expansion of the French economy, workers came from further afield, especially from France's colony Algeria, the protectorates of Tunisia and Morocco, and later from a wide range of Third World countries.
Immigration always causes stress for both sides, but in prosperous times these are less obvious. After the oil crises of the s, the French economy began to move into recession; unemployment and racial tension grew, and economic immigration virtually stopped. But many immigrant workers had settled in France with their families and became a new feature in French society.
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Incomers of European origin, such as the many Portuguese who came to France in the s, had a comparatively short cultural distance to travel. But North African Muslims formed a large percentage of incomers. Their cultural difference was greater and was exaggerated by effective, if unintentional segregation, families often being lodged in new housing schemes outside cities, les banlieues.
School-leavers from these families were not well placed as high youth unemployment hit France in the s and s. Racial tensions were magnified by the rise of the Front National. In response, movements such as SOS Racisme were launched to combat discrimination. As noted by several contributors, multiculturalism - allowing various cultural groups to maintain their identities in all circumstances - is regarded with suspicion by some people in France, as likely to create a society of ghettos. Others suggest that it is possible to combine a distinctive cultural identity with conformity to the legal limits of the state in which one lives, and that to suppress people's cultural identity is to practise intolerance.
Similar questions have arisen in other European countries with large minorities of foreign residents of fairly recent arrival, but the French debate has taken on a particular form. Taking the long view, it is arguable that younger generations may be able to handle these issues with fewer preconceptions than their parents cf. This chapter has set out not to give a history of twentieth-century France, but to isolate - a little artificially, and with the aim of provoking questions - certain issues relating to the historical specificity of France, providing a context for what follows.
France is a rewarding country to study and compare with other traditions. If one were to hazard a generalization to summarize the foregoing, it might be that in the first half of the century, France was mainly concerned to protect its territorial existence, and to export French culture, in particular to its empire, while in the second half, it has secured its existence firmly within the new Europe, but has become more concerned to defend French culture against competition from elsewhere, whether the United States or Islam.
The reader may not necessarily agree with this or any other propositions suggested here; but enough has been said, I hope, to suggest that an ancient and complex culture such as France cannot be reduced to a single or stereotypical identity. London: Arnold. Oxford: OUI'. Paris: Fayard. Basingstoke: Macmillan. All these books have very full bibliographies, directing readers to works in French, and Rod Kedward and Charles Sowerwine are both completing new histories of France in the twentieth century. A special mention should be made of a work which combines history and culture, Pierre Nora's monumental seven-volume collection Les Lieux de memoire which contains chapters on dozens of cultural topics.
This was republished in paperback in three volumes by Gallimard in ; a selection in English has been translated by Arthur Goldhammer as Realms of memory: the construction of the French past New York: Columbia University Press, For a thematic guide to this collection, see Appendix below, pp. Since the rest of this book will be introducing the reader to some varied aspects of French culture today, the purpose of this chapter is to look at the national context in which all these cultures and subcultures function.
This means that we need to examine the role of the state in the French sense of the word, ['Etat , since in France it is essentially the state that has set up the formal context within which most forms of cultural expression have been either encouraged or repressed. By contrast with Britain and America, there is something very distinctive about the close relationship between French culture and political power. In France today, the state, represented mainly by the Ministry of Culture, plays a more influential and visible role than any other actor.
It does this, not simply by funding the arts on the British model, 'at arm's length', but centrally, by developing and applying a highly interventionist cultural policy designed to reflect national objectives. Outside observers will find it impossible to understand French culture without having some idea of the political importance and impact of state-driven cultural policy.
So this chapter will first give a brief but essential historical account of how and why current attitudes to cultural affairs have developed as they have, before going on to examine the cultural role of the state in France today. It will discuss its economic impact, and the extent to which cultural policy-making is still influenced by tradition. Culture and the state: the historical tradition It is true that in France, we have a special shared idea of what culture is. This does not just date from M. Mitterrand's presidency, nor even from the days of Malraux or Pompidou, but goes back centuries.
Despite our troubled history, the idea of culture has always been a French cultural policy: the special role of the state 39 constant: we know it to be an irreplaceable component of our national identity and of our country's vocation to radiate rayonner beyond its borders, and we know that it implies a degree of responsibility on the part of the state.
In this respect, for us in France 'cultural exceptionalism' [ Rigaud , 17 This quotation from Jacques Rigaud a top civil servant and specialist on cultural policy is a good example of how French policy-makers consider the roots of the distinctive French approach to culture to be deeply embedded in historical tradition, and part of their national identity.
The kings of France set an early precedent for state intervention in cultural affairs in several ways: chiefly, by introducing the practice of state commissions to create art works and monuments intended to reflect and enhance the prestige or grandeur of the French monarchy. This practice, known as Ie mecenat d'Etat, is usually seen as the precursor of public funding for the arts as we know it today. All the best artists were working for the greater glory of the state, by channelling their creativity towards such things as ceremonial odes, statues of the king to decorate palace courtyards or symbolic public spaces, or portraits of monarchs in glorious circumstances.
By affording the monarchy a controlling influence over cultural production, Ie mecenat went hand in hand with royal censorship, established by setting up a series of artistic academies endowed with authority over every aspect of cultural life: music, dance, architecture, painting and sculpture. In this way, writers, les hommes de lettres, were to be encouraged to celebrate royal grandeur. It has been pointed out by Roger Chartier that the Academy introduced into the French cultural system 'the very forceful and enduring idea that all aesthetic production must be judged on its degree of conformity to the rules set out by the legitimising institution' Chartier , This was the foundation for what is referred to as academisme: a tendency to observe a set of rules laid down by the ruling elites, often linked to artistic conservatism.
It is a feature which has constituted one of the most entrenched dimensions of French cultural life. The academies still exist today - though considerably modified and with less influence - under the auspices of the famous Institut de France opposite the Louvre. So it is 40 Contemporary French Cultural Studies not hard to see why the link is made so freely between the monarchy's intervention in cultural life, and the role played by today's cultural establishment, since members of the Institut are also chosen by representatives of the state.
This royal legacy, perhaps surprisingly, was not repudiated under later republican regimes in France after Initial impulses to destroy the symbols of autocratic power soon gave way to a realization that it was in the state's interests to preserve and build on the cultural heritage of the newly emerging French nation. Within France, the patrimoine culturel was used as a vehicle for the construction of a national 'shared' memory of, and pride in, French history, designed to have a unifying influence on the population.