La prédisposition à létonnement (French Edition)

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Wendland, Berlin, ; a treatment on the numbers twelve and seventy based on biblical uses of the number appears in Philo, Fug. Wendland, Berlin, Although some early interpreters provide revised accounts of the Table of Nations that contain seventy names instead of seventy-one,19 early translations of the text only complicate the matter. For example, Ios. A list of manuscripts can be found in A. In sum, the textual differences of the LXX Table of Nations involve the repetition, inclusion and omission of certain figures: the name Elisa is repeated twice at verses 2 and 4 the Hebrew and Vulgate only mention Elisa at Gen.

For the Chronicon Alexandrinum, see T. However, this numeration does not seem to have been clear enough to provide convincing origins for the later symbolism behind the numbers seventy or seventy-two; instead, the number of names in Genesis 10 was later adjusted in hindsight, when authors began to recount the number of nations of the world as seventy-two in light of an already well established tradition of number symbolism.

Jewish Hellenism A more definite beginning for the interpretation of seventy-two names in the Table of Nations starts to appear in the Hellenistic world during the third and second centuries BCE. After the death of Alexander the Great BCE , the influence of Hellenistic culture began to be felt across the eastern Mediterranean world. Though some non-Hellenistic authors reacted strongly to the new prominence of Hellenism, they nevertheless argued within a discourse that clearly merged older cultural values with new Hellenistic values.

Not only was Greek the prominent language for literary production, but Hellenistic science and philosophy also played a dominant role on the intellectual traditions of the Egyptians, Babylonians, and most importantly for this study, the Jews. Jewish authors were likely exposed to the prominence of the number seventy-two as an important astrological number among Greek, Roman, Egyptian and Babylonian thought.

It is often repeated that the heavens were divided into seventy-two parts, or that there were seventy-two stars that are able to influence the world. Moreover, among some ancient Greek authors, the number seventy was rhetorically used to enumerate the particular cities or nations of a region, and to represent a totality of a particular group of people.

And since we want to show favour to these men [former Jewish captives] and to all the Jews throughout the world and to those hereafter, we have proposed to translate your law from the Hebrew letters of your language into Greek letters […] Therefore, you will do well to choose elders, who live justly, who have proficiency in the law, and who are able to translate—choose six from each tribe.

Elsewhere in the Letter, the number seventy-two is stressed three times,24 and becomes a major aspect behind the suggestion that the translation was accomplished through divine action. It is usually assumed, based on the Letter of Aristeas, that the term septuaginta is simply a shorter form of septuaginta et duo; but for the complexity of the issue, see S. Jewish people and their Law in a positive light. The locus classicus for the perfect number is Euclid, Elem. Number is fitting to order, and the number six, most of all numbers, by the laws of nature, pertains to producing; for it is the first perfect number from the number one that is equal to its own parts and is constituted of them: its half is three and its third is two, and its sixth is one; and, so to say, it is by nature both male and female, and is arranged from the quantity of each.

For in the things that exist, the odd is male and the even is female; therefore, while the number three is the beginning of odd numbers, the number two is the beginning of all even numbers, and the quantity of both is six.


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For it was necessary that the world, which is the most perfect of all things produced, be established according to the perfect number, six. Secondly, the number twelve had significance in Greek astrology and mythology as the number of the signs of the zodiac, months in a year, the Olympians, and the labors of Hercules among others.

A similar exposition on the number six is also found in Philo, Leg. COHN, vol. See also Aug. Though the use of the number seventy-two in the Letter of Aristeas does not yet compare to the extent of typological usage among some late antique and medieval Christians, it does reveal a very complex approach to Jewish and Hellenistic numerology that presents the symbolic value of the number much more formally and explicitly than does the Table of Nations.

Interestingly, however, the number seventy-two and its possible association with divine influence in the translation of the Septuagint, as well as the revised number of elders at Sinai, did not have a strong following in Hellenistic Jewish sources after the Letter of Aristeas, despite the fact that the Letter enjoyed wide circulation throughout Antiquity. Orlinsky argues, that the numerological tradition of seventy was stronger at this point than seventy-two and Josephus simply used a number of more symbolic significance for him and his intended audience. NIESE also does not list variants in the app.

On the other hand, those who state that the number of translators was seventy-two are far fewer: Tertullian, who is also the first Christian author to mention the Letter of Aristeas by name, Epiphanius, Philastrius, and Augustine all declare that there were seventy-two translators. In some early manuscripts of Luke 10,1, including most of the Vetus Latina translations and the Vulgate,45 Jesus sends seventy-two disciples ahead of him to preach. But the manuscript witness of Luke 10 is not unambiguous, and this ambiguity, along with that of the number of Septuagint translators, reveals that the significance of the number seventy-two was very much in transition during the first century CE.

According to the careful studies of Bruce M. Metzger and more recently of Joseph Verheyden, the evidence for the priority of either seventy or seventy-two in Luke 10,1 is of equal weight, creating an incertitude reflected in the vacillation of modern translations and commentaries. Whereas a number of scholars claim that Luke is drawing on prevalent Jewish numerology, such as the number of elders in the Sanhedrin or the number of palm trees at Elim,48 Sidney Jellicoe argues that the value of the number seventy-two of the Letter of Aristeas had not been completely abandoned at this point in time.

An educated Gentile author such as Luke, who relies more on the Septuagint than any other Gospel writer and would have almost certainly been familiar with the Letter of Aristeas, might have used the number seventy-two as a direct allusion to the Letter 45 A. Festschrift A. Denaux — ed. For a convenient arrangement of the major manuscripts, see R. This suggestion gains some further currency when the similar aims of Jewish and Gentile syncretism in the Gospel of Luke and the Letter of Aristeas are considered.

On the contrary, there is little explicit evidence for this assumption and it has not gained widespread acceptance. Others have suggested that the number seventy or seventy-two in Luke 10 may have been used for its symbolic value in association with the Hebrew or Septuagint reckonings of the names of the Table of Nations.

There is, unfortunately, again a lack of evidence for any firm conclusion for this period.

à : to, toward, towards

Tyson — ed. Irenaeus of Lyon c. In the third book of his Adversus haereses, which survives in its entirety through a literal Latin translation of the original Greek, Irenaeus, making reference to the genealogy of Christ in the Gospel of Luke 3, , writes: Propter hoc Lucas genealogiam quae est a generatione Domini nostri usque ad Adam LXXII generationes habere ostendit, finem coniungens initio et significans quoniam ipse est qui omnes gentes exinde ab Adam dispersas et uniuersas linguas et generationes hominum cum ipso Adam in semetipso recapitulatus est.

Petersburg, Ross. When Irenaeus speaks of the number of translators of the Septuagint, he claims that there were only seventy,59 and the version of Luke 10 that he uses has Jesus sending out only seventy disciples. But unless he miscounted here or was using an irregular version, the Table of Nations of the Septuagint provides seventy-three names.

Clement of Alexandria, Origen and Eusebius all state that angels were assigned over nations. However, not one of these early authors gives any specific number to the angels or the nations; only in the later pseudo-Clementine Recognitiones is it stated that there were seventy-two nations and angels. The second is the developing genre of the Christian chronicle. Although the written versions of the Talmud, and the Christian chronicles that survive were recorded after Irenaeus and probably could not have had much influence on him directly, it is likely that Irenaeus, the Talmud, and the chronicles and perhaps even Luke were all drawing on the same tendencies to begin to look at the Table of Nations as a scriptural basis for the number of nations of the world.

Clement , I, Origen , and I, Eusebius [n. FREY — A. The obscure and vague notions of the symbolic significance of the number seventy-two most likely allowed early Christian authors to employ the number for its symbolic value and typological potential but, at the same time, did not allow for any one text to claim a beginning to the phenomenon with any certainty before the end of Late Antiquity.

Naturally, the biblical texts of Genesis 10 and Luke 10 were later interpreted by early medieval authors to bestow, almost unequivocally, authority to the symbolism and typology of the number seventy-two in a way that the Letter of Aristeas or Jewish tradition could not. Alongside Irenaeus, these early Christian chronicles deserve further examination, especially as they provide prominent examples for the connection of the number of names in the Table of Nations to the growing, but still vague, tradition of the seventy-two nations of the world.

The first Christian chronological compilation,64 the Chronographiae of Julius Africanus, now only survives in quotations from other authors of Late Antiquity; but these quotations, which often interact with the text of Julius, reveal much information on the textual criticism behind counting the names of the Table of Nations. For example, Georgius Syncellus 9th c. See also the recent discussion regarding the so-called Leipzig World Chronicle; D.

And after the Flood, Sem begot Arphaxad. Arphaxad, at the age of , begot Sala in Sala, at the age of , begot Eber in Eber, at the age of , begot Phalek in Unlike the main textual tradition of the Septuagint, Julius omits the second instance of the name Cainan, the son of Arphaxad and father of Sala—an omission that was followed by Eusebius. At the same time, these discrepancies also disclose an important issue on the presence of Cainan in the Septuagint which will continue to be an issue of contention as late as the Anglo-Saxon period when Bede renews the debate in one of his own chronological tracts.

Cerrato has recently cast much doubt on the history of the so-called Hippolytus Romanus. For Hippolytus is one of the first Christian authors to provide a list of the descendants of Noah side by side with lists of contemporary nations, regions and languages of the world. In the Diamerismos, a section of the chronicle that deals with the diversity of the world in light of the three sons of Noah, Hippolytus states that Japheth had fifteen sons, Ham thirty and Sem twenty-five to make a total of seventy descendants.

Hieronymus presbyter, Liber de uiris linlustribus — ed. Hebrew or Septuagint versions of Genesis 10, and omitting names that are. In another section, however, he states that there are seventy-two languages in the world that arose from the seventy-two nations that divided at Babel. Unlike Irenaeus, however, Hippolytus does not use the number as the basis for typology. But despite the lack of any explicit typology, Hippolytus provides an important precedent for later authors by disconnecting the number of the descendants of Noah from the number of nations that have arisen in the world.

He thereby provides the next step that later readers and writers will need to harmonize with their own knowledge of the world. While the number of languages in the world was thought to remain static at seventy-two throughout Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, similar notions regarding the number of nations of the world were not as common—nations could rise and fall, multiply or diminish and in each case alter the total number.

Seventy-two or, in these earlier accounts, seventy was merely the number of the nations that were originally dispersed at Babel. Christian Authors Before and Including Augustine Whereas the usage of the number seventy-two among fourth-century Greek and Latin authors continues to reveal its importance for Christian exegesis and theology, the inconsistency and diversity of this usage indicate the emergence of new creative applications of the number as well as a general lack of interpretive uniformity.

Before Augustine, the number was used in typical as well as idiosyncratic manners. On the one hand, Epiphanius of Salamis c. Philastrius d. DEAN, Chicago, II,3: P. See also Eus. In his Stromata, Clement of Alexandria mentions a certain Ephoros who erroneously held such an opinion. What this example from Pacian does reveal, however, is an early, though never exactly commonplace, penchant among some Latin Christian authors to connect the languages of the world with the apostolic mission that begins with Pentecost, even though Acts 2, which narrates the linguistic miracle of Pentecost, gives no mention of the number of disciples or languages present that day in Jerusalem.

Even Jerome himself, one of the doctores ecclesiae whose works would be widely read throughout the Middle Ages, expresses an unusual phrase that strays from the standard numerological tradition. In his commentary on the Gospel of Matthew, Jerome expounds upon a pericope from Mat He calculates that, because a legion consists of soldiers, Jesus here could have had angels 12 x sent to protect him. Elsewhere, Jerome makes another small but important contribution to the development of the later typology of the number seventy-two.

Emphasis mine. An interesting idiosyncrasy appears in Quod. Like the Christian chroniclers before him, Augustine provides an enumeration of the names in the Septuagint version of Genesis 10, which according to his text has seventy-three names. In this aspect, Augustine is the first to examine seriously the inconsistency between the text and the growing tradition. For his tally of the names in the Table of Nations, Augustine essentially argues that the father and son, Eber and Pelag, count as only one nation.

His evidence is that because Pelag was born at the time the languages of the world were divided Gen. In fact, because Pelag is an ancestor of Abraham, who spoke Hebrew, it must be that both Eber and Pelag spoke the same language and only count as one in the reckoning of the seventy-three names. Pelag is mentioned in the Table of Nations not to indicate another nation, different from his father Eber, but to indicate that during his lifetime the languages were confused: Phalech autem propterea commemoratus est, non quod gentem fecerit nam eadem ipsa est eius gens Hebraea eademque lingua , sed propter tempus insigne, quod in diebus eius terra diuisa sit.

But Pelag was mentioned for this reason: not that he made a nation for his is the very same Hebrew nation and language , but because of the notable time that the earth was divided in his days. On account of the effort that Augustine expends to syncretize the seventy-three names of the Table of Nations and to argue that there are sev Augustine firmly believes that the tradition of the seventy-two names and the Septuagint count of names are both true, albeit in variance with one another, and he uses his utmost ingenuity to reconcile the two.

For in Africa we know that many barbarian nations speak in one language. In his interpretation, he sets out to harmonize a traditional text with his own knowledge of the world, and this harmonization must have lent much support to the numerological tradition, which continues to develop in the following centuries. Interestingly, Augustine himself did not capitalize much on the typological potential of the number seventy-two. Evidently, the typological significance of the number seventy-two has not yet reached its height. But by providing the longest and most detail discussion on the number of names in the Table of Nations since its inception, Augustine deserves credit for fostering, more than any other author, the foundations that subsequent late antique and medieval exegetes would build upon for their own typological employment of the number seventy-two.

Among the authors of a generation after Augustine, Arnobius the Younger late 5th c. Sem primogenito pars facta est […] quae spatia terrarum habent linguas sermone barbarico uiginti et septem […] Cham uero secundus filius Noe […] habens linguas sermone […] numero uiginti duabus linguis […] Iafeth autem habet […] in linguis uiginti tribus.

Fiunt ergo omnes simul linguae septuaginta duae Noah had three sons: Sem, Ham and Japheth. And the second son of Noah, Ham, had twenty-two languages in number. Yet Japheth has [lands that speak] in twenty-three languages. Therefore all together there are seventy-two languages. Aurelius Augustinus, Quaestiones evangeliorum — ed.

Bede also discusses the seventy-two hour period in Luc. What is even more astonishing here is that Arnobius does not follow his sources—the chronological tradition represented by the Latin Liber generationis, the Greek Diamerismos or the chronicle of Epiphanius—in his enumeration of the languages of the descendants of Noah.

The geographic distribution of the sons of Noah is described almost verbatim in Hip. Arnobius realizes that any interpretation of the Table of Nations that equates nation with language is too strict, since he knows that numerous nations may all speak one language. Especially after the authority bestowed on it by Augustine, the number seventy-two was almost always evoked as a necessary structure for categorizing the world, but the elements within this structure were not limited by the same authority, and the freedom to diverge from a source was often gladly accepted by authors such as Arnobius.

In his well-known work, the Etymologiae, Isidore follows Augustine almost verbatim by writing: Gentes autem a quibus divisa est terra, quindecim sunt de Iaphet, triginta et una de Cham, viginti et septem de Sem, quae fiunt septuaginta tres, vel potius, ut ratio declarat, septuaginta duae; totidemque linguae, quae per terras esse coeperunt, quaeque crescendo provincias et insulas inpleverunt.

And the nations by which the earth was divided: there are fifteen from Japhet, thirty-one from Ham, and twenty-seven from Sem, which total seventy-three, or rather, as reason demonstrates, seventy-two; and just as many languages, The Vulgate does not use the word patriae in Gen. The commonest words of ethnic division in Gen. But, unlike Augustine, Isidore does not give the ratio for this change.

Neither Isidore nor his audience was much concerned with the individual figures of the descendants of Noah as long as the total of seventy-two was retained. Moreover, Isidore is one of the first to make the significant association between the number seventy-two and the number of books in the Bible. Before Isidore, various writers hint at the later formation of a tradition of seventy-two canonical books. See Ios. Hieronymus presbyter, Prologus in libro regum, in Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 4th ed. For the begadkephath letters, of which there are actually six, see W.

Kautzsch, 2nd English ed. Aurelius Augustinus, De doctrina christiana libri IV — ed. The same reckoning of canonical books appears in the Council of Carthage , for which, see A. Lamentations , among others, as a separate book for a total of twenty-five. In his division according to Augustine, Cassiodorus lists seventy-one books. Only the libra, which alludes to the division a pound of gold into seventy-two pieces in Antiquity, is mentioned.

On the contrary, although Isidore follows Augustine in his reckoning of seventy-one books of the Bible in his Etymologiae, he abandons this tally in his De ecclesiasticis officiis. For the relationship between the Codex Grandior and the Codex Amiatinus in regard to the number of biblical books, see P. These are the seventy-two canonical books, and in connection to this, Moses chose seventy -two elders who prophesied; in connection to this Jesus our Lord commanded seventy-two disciples to preach, and because seventy-two languages had been dispersed in this world, suitably did the Holy Spirit arrange that there would be just as many books as nations, in which the people and nations would be built up by receiving the grace of faith.

And after Isidore, many medieval authors, especially those of Ireland and Anglo-Saxon England, found the typological potential of the number seventy-two too appealing to ignore. Elsewhere, he provides another important step in the development of the typology by connecting the number of languages dispersed at Babel with the number Is.

For an Irish example, see ps. For Anglo-Saxon England, see Ald. Whereas such a connection may seem obvious in light of the frequent typological association between Pentecost and Babel, Isidore is the first author to state that the number of languages at both events is seventy-two. Canon Law It will also be briefly mentioned that the number seventy-two had some symbolic significance in early canon law that verges on but never reaches the same extent of the Isidorian typologies. According to the Constitutum Silvestri, a sixth-century forgery under Pope Symmachus, attributed to the fourth-century Pope Sylvester, a bishop cannot be condemned by fewer See the examples provided by N.

Though Pacian does not connect Pentecost with Babel numerologically, he does predate Isidore in his connection between the disciples of Acts 1,15 and the total number of languages of the world; see above. Aurelius Augustinus, De haeresibus — ed. From this point on the notion that seventy-two bishops were needed to condemn another became standard in canonical thought.

Conclusion From obscure origins, the symbolic and typological significance of the number seventy-two vastly develops by the end of Late Antiquity, especially among Latin authors. In all likelihood, the symbolism of number, which only finds support in the Old Testament under the number seventy, may have remained in obscurity if it were not for various fortuitous circumstances. Moreover, by the time Isidore was alive and writing, the number seventy-two had attracted enough attention that it could be further developed and used for other atypical purposes.

The total number of biblical books, which had previously been counted at seventy-one, would probably not have made the leap to seventy-two if it were not for the previously established typology that gave the number seventy-two so much significance; and if the number of bishops needed to condemn another bishop does not have its direct origins in the number of the Sanhedrin or the disciples sent out by Christ, it must have been significantly strengthened by the growing importance of the number. The number seventy-two may not have been the most prominent number in late antique and early medieval literature, but its numerology did enjoy a wide ranging and complex development due to its symbolic and growing typological importance.

For these reasons, it should not be ignored in the history of Christian thought. DC, , pp. The relevant canon in the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals can be found in Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae et capitula Angilramni — ed. CCXLV, p. Summary This article treats the widespread and complex symbolism of the number seventy-two from the Table of Nations in Genesis 10 to Isidore of Seville in the early seventh century. Whereas later authors attribute the notion of seventy or seventy-two original nations and languages in the world to Genesis 10, the literary and religious significance of the number symbolism in early Jewish and Christian literature stems more likely from other sources such as the Letter of Aristeas which first gives the number of translators of the Septuagint as seventy-two, and the Gospel of Luke which describes Jesus sending out seventy or seventy-two disciples.

Although many authors are indebted to their inherited literary traditions, symbolic usage of the number seventy-two can be idiosyncratic and prone to unique developments. Much of the symbolic usage of the number seventy-two begins to form in earnest after Augustine, when the number could be employed for typological purposes. While early Jewish and Christian use of the number seventy-two remained strictly symbolic, later Christians, particularly Isidore of Seville, exploited the typological potential of the number.

Traditionally this is called redemptive almsgiving, i. With regard to this article in particular the sections on the language of mutuality and exchange pp. However, a detailed analysis of the God as debtor language is not presented in this publication. Susan R. This offers an important nuance both to current interpretations of patristic views on economic exchange and redemptive almsgiving, and to the interrelation between ethics and soteriology in Chrysostom. These passages are supplemented with others discovered through word searches using the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae database.

See e. De paen. Mohr Paul Siebeck, , Giving is actually receiving. In Rom. You lend to God, not to men. You increase your wealth, rather than diminishest it. De paenit. Give small things and grasp great ones. Give mortal things and take firm hold of immortal ones. Give corruptible things and capture incorruptible ones. He receives a little in the guise of the poor, but gives back much on their behalf. For a revised and more detailed study see Susan R.

Gary A. Anderson, Ruth A. The language of debt and credit made almsgiving a transaction in a spiritual economy. For it is not to take it away that I receive it, but to make it a larger amount and to keep it more exactly, that I may have it preserved for you against that time, in which there is no one to lend or pity. Displaying gratitude for both received benefits,18 being thankful for bad things suffering, sickness, being falsely accused ,19 forgiving those who are indebted to us,20 praying,21 and obedience22 are all described by Chrysostom as deeds or attitudes for which God counts Himself to be indebted to man, for which He will repay mankind.

In Gen. Indeed, all the acts of religious virtue practiced by the saints become a sort of currency that one could loan to God. For the gratitude of those who have received gifts counts as a benefaction. He who has given you money asks for alms form you through the hand of the poor man. And if he takes what belongs to him, his kindness to you will lack nothing, as though what he took was yours. He wants to appear as a debtor even with regard to his initial gifts.

And Chrysostom actually expresses this characteristic in the framework of friendship. In his extensive excursus on friendship in In 1 Thessalonicenses homilia 2, Chrysostom gives the following description of a genuine friend:. In Matt. See for example In Matt. Translation and italics are his. He is not so much gratified when good is done to him, as when he is doing good. I think that perhaps many of you do not understand what has been said.

He wishes to be the first in bestowing benefits, and not to seem to be the first, but to be returning a kindness. While several of the classical commonplaces on friendship are mentioned in this homily, one of the often unnoticed characteristics of a real friend according to Chrysostom is appearing as debtor instead of benefactor.

I know that the greater part do not understand what is said, and the cause is, that I am speaking of a thing which now dwells in heaven. And thus God Himself created a condi The latter word is however used more frequently. For we wish to do this kindness also to those whom we love, others, to appear first to have received some little thing from them, and so give them all: and we boast more of the receiving than of the giving; and we do not say, We gave him this, but, We received this from him.

For I do not say so much as put an end to My poverty, or give Me riches, and yet I did become poor for you; yet still I ask for bread and clothing, and a small solace for My hunger. This is why, though I am able to support Myself, I come Chrysostom distinguishes between doing good, for which one has God as debtor, and receiving good, which makes one a debtor towards God. Working miracles, like raising the dead, belongs to the latter category and is valued as less important by Chrysostom than almsgiving.

See In Matt. Basil, Hom. And I glory in this. And when the whole world are spectators, then am I to herald you forth, and in the hearing of all men to display you as My supporter. Thus, giving to the needy is counted as a returned favour, not so much as a repayment of the debt, but rather because in this way it satisfies the desire of the original benefactor to give new and higher favours here: heaven. The Interpretative Framework At this point we should come back to the fact that for Chrysostom the appearance of repaying instead of giving is the characteristic of a genuine friend.

While Chrysostom was well aware of classical views on friendship as is evident from his two quite extensive excursuses on friendship in his second homily on 2 Thessalonians and his first homily on Colossians41 the argument that a friend wants to make himself seem to be a debtor by treating a benefit as though it were a repayment does not seem to be a wellknown or at least noticed argument in classical sources on friendship.

Cicero, Lael. Plato, Rsp. Aristotle however indicates that a friend wishes to be of assistance to another rather than to receive a benefit. He also states that friendship consists more in loving than in being loved and that the one who gives loves more than the one who owes. I owe this insight to David Konstan, via personal correspondence. Things given in this spirit will for that reason be returned to you in greater measure. Seneca here describes the ideal benefactor as a friend who wishes to be seen as one repaying a gift received rather than as one who gives.

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These passages suggest that such giving results in benefit to the giver because what comes back is greater than the original gift. While these ideas are also present in Chrysostom, it cannot be proven that Chrysostom read Seneca. Even when Seneca is viewed as an example of the general ancient Graeco-Roman gift-giving system, these characteristics of the ideal benefactor seem to appear in the margins instead of receiving primary attention.

Although he quotes. And why do you wonder that she needs no benefits in order that she should subsist, seeing that neither by injuries is she overthrown? True friendship or spiritual love is thus described as a heavenly gift by Chrysostom. It is probably within the Jewish-Christian tradition, rather than in the Graeco-Roman system of gift-giving, that antecedents of God as debtor and the related notion of redemptive almsgiving may be found. The doctrine of redemptive almsgiving was particularly evident in the Septuagint. The distinctive Jewish benefaction system had little in common with the Graeco-Roman system of euerJoubert as explicitly rejecting the connection with friendship, he also cites Peterman and Griffin as advocating the connection with friendship.

Note 19, p. This wisdom teaching form Proverbs, though slightly reworked, found its way into the Peshitta version of Sirach. Both Helen Rhee and Gary A. Anderson refer to several passages from early Christian and Late Antique writings that are reminiscent of the above-mentioned ideas of Chrysostom. Thus, it would not be surprising to recognize elements of both systems in Chrysostom.

Italics mine. Wealth, Poverty, and Early Christian Formation. Grand Rapids, Mich. Boudling, Exposition of the Psalms , vol. Still, a linkage between these notions and friendship does not appear in these examples. But a friend proves himself such not by one gift, but by long intimacy. For I will give not only to friends, but to the friends of friends. And who is it that is the friend of God? Do not you judge who is worthy or who is unworthy.

For it is possible you may be mistaken in your opinion. On the one hand, therefore, Clement seems to urge the rich to give to the Christian poor in general. The pious poor are able to intercede for them by God Clement thus speaks of the elect as the friends of God in particular as intermediaries taking care of the salvation of the rich.

Utilizing these means. William Wilson ANF. The claim consists in the pre-existing personal relationship. Garrison who quotes L. Luke When you are inviting the King to your table, do you fear because of such things as these? In In 1 Thess. Our [condition] does indeed call for mourning, for mourning and tears and wailings, and loud lamentation and beating of the breast.

We have fallen from our hope, we are humbled from our high estate, we have shown ourselves unworthy of the honor of God; even after His benefits we are become unfeeling, and ungrateful. The devil has stripped us of all our good things. We who were counted worthy to be sons; we His brethren and fellow-heirs, are come to differ nothing from His enemies that insult Him. Why does he wait to be called by us? Because he wishes to achieve a closer relationship with us and a more ardent love for him by giving and calling and receiving.

And so even if you prove to be gentle, temperate and chaste, far from adding anything to God he apportions you great rewards and laurels for this as though you were of help to him. Chrysostom thus emphasizes sustaining the relationship with God. If one lends to God and thus provides occasions for God to be a debtor, this constitutes befriending God, entering into a relationship with God. For God is well pleased at repaying us what He owes, and both looks with a more favorable eye upon those who have lent to Him, than on those who have not; and loves those the most to whom He owes the most.

For there is no lender so pleased at having those that owe to him, as Christ is rejoiced at having those that lend to Him. And such as He owes nothing to, He flees from; but such as He owes to, He even runs unto. Let us then use. Robert C. HILL, St. John Chrysostom: Commentary on the Psalms. Given the fact that his mother has provided the child with the funds, what exactly does the child give to her? At one level, the child gives nothing; he simply returns to his mother what was once hers.

But at another level, this gift allows the child to part with something in order to express his gratitude. The gift does not create the relationship — the child need not do anything in order to be loved by his mother — but it does in some sense enact the love that characterizes it.

One recognizes in the two passages how Chrysostom focuses on the disposition of both giver and receiver. Chrysostom can also speak about love in broader terms using the language of debt, credit and investment. In In Genesim homilia I am indeed continually receiving what I ask in great abundance, yet never think that I have received the whole. Do not cease then to pay down this goodly debt, which has a twofold pleasure. For those who pay, and those who receive, derive equal enjoyment, inasmuch as they are both alike enriched by the payment; which in the case of money is an impossibility, for there the one who pays becomes poorer, and only the man who has received is richer.

But this is not what commonly happens in the covenant of love. For he who pays The prime consideration was that nothing be done that might shame the recipient. Wells H, Polders l The youngest age at which suicide was attempted was 13 years. No significant differences were found between age groups for attempted suicide. Suicide attempts showed similar rates for men and women. Can we Talk about Suicide in Africa? The practice of autopsies after a sudden death is not a systematic medical practice in Africa, except for some legal reasons.

People do take their own life and we need to talk about depression and suicide in the society in general and in the LGBTQI communities in particular. Among other issues, the lack of supportive, positive social structures that allow different gender expression contribute to make LGBTQI youth very vulnerable to depression and suicide attempts. But it does not have to be this way. Can we start by talking about suicide. We should not be ashamed to admit that we are going through depression. We should train and enable queer youth to assist their peers who are dealing with traumatic experiences Belkin A, Canaday M The evidence suggests that the integration of gay and lesbian personnel has not had a negative impact on recruitment and retention, morale, unit cohesion or operational effectiveness in the SANDF.

Achmat, Zackie In theory, we are equal as gay men. We can have sex without any fear of prosecution. The constitution and a myriad of laws guarantee us equal access to social services, employment benefits, fostering, adoption, marriage, divorce and inheritance. We can also serve in the South African National Defence Force and enjoy gay culture and freedom of expression. These rights are vital, but real equality is a chimera. Equality, privacy and freedom are privileges enjoyed by middle- and upper-class people, including gay men of all races.

LGBTI people both consciously and unconsciously lay claim to their rights as human beings and they locate these rights as global citizens. These rights to freedom and equality correctly inspire and activate people everywhere. However, the uncritical adoption of the American, Australian and European rights—based strategies focused on the lobbying of parliaments, litigation and visibility through the media has led to an impasse. A rightsbased movement that looks only to parliaments and the courts must fail, since they are largely captured by corporations and the urban, middle- and upper-class elites Homosexuality and the South African left: the amibiguities of exile.

This article is a contribution to a slim, but emerging body of work in gay South African historiography — the hidden, largely unacknowledged role played by gay menand lesbians in opposition politics and in the anti-apartheid and liberation movements.. Other Writings. Home Page. Mark Gevisser : In his new essay in the latest edition of Granta, Mark looks back at the lives of two older men from Soweto, and how they negotiated the double-jeopardy of being black and being gay in apartheid South Africa, from the perspective of his own same-sex marriage in February See: Recent Writings.

Mandela's stepchildren: homosexual identity in post-apartheid South Africa. International Encyclopedia of Sexuality : South Africa. The story is narrated by Bev, both as a personal statement and a political history. Their converging and diverging lives, culminating in Simon s death, are revealed in this heartfelt testament using a mixed format of interviews and archive footage.

Old Site , to Archive Link. GALA represents a unique resource of material relating to lesbian and gay experience in Southern Africa. It is appropriate that the only lesbian and gay archive on the continent should be located in South Africa, considering that this is the first country in the world to enshrine equality on the basis of sexual orientation in its constitution. In the light of the constitution making process and the ensuing legal reforms, South Africa has become a focus for international and local research attention..

The aim is to create awareness and visualize transgenderism. Constantly updated news and information about South Africa. Joburg Pride. South Africa Individual Documents since Archive Link , to Homosexuality and South African cinema. Kinema, 19, Spring Passion and pride at the gay film festival April Out in Africa Film Fest Given the significant histories of activism through Queer Cinematic Cultures in both Australia and South Africa, I propose in this thesis the existence of a new genus of cinema, which I term Fifth Cinema.

It can be informed by First Cinema classical, Hollywood , Second Cinema Art House or dual national cinemas , Third and Fourth Cinema cinemas dealing with the decolonisation of Third World and Fourth World people , but it develops its unique characteristics by countering internal cultural colonisation. Fifth Cinema functions as a heterognosis, where multi-dimensional representations around sexuality, race and gender are used to assist in broader cultural liberation. Branton, Heather Feminist Collections, 24 1 : Films Reviewed: Forbidden Fruit. Tina Mchida in Zimbabwe Rainmakers, Series 2.

Everything Must Com to Light. Zanele Muholi is very clear about the objectives of her work as a black lesbian South African visual activist. In the introduction to her book, Faces and Phases, she states: In the face of all the challenges our community encounters daily, I embarked on a journey of visual activism to ensure that there is black queer visibility. It is important to mark, map and preserve our mo ve ments through visual histories for reference and posterity so that future generations will note that we were here" 6.

Mburu specifically deals with the movement in Kenya. Contents : Foreword. Women who have sex with women WSW health needs and issues. The Prize And The Price. Renegotiating masculinity in the Lowveld: narratives of male-male sex in compounds, prisons and at home. Are blind people better lovers? Sexuality in later life. Heterosex among young South Africans: Research reflections. Queer marriage: Sexualising citizenship and the development of freedoms in South Africa. Beyond the Constitution: from sexual rights to belonging.

See also the Index. Contents: Foreword. Men who have sex with men MSM face discrimination in employment, lack of freedom of association, hate speech and arbitrary arrest Odinga spoke Sunday at a rally in Kibera and told listeners that all gay men and lesbians would be subject to laws in the new constitution that criminalize homosexuality. The new bill of rights in Kenya prohibits discrimination on any grounds, according to Voice of America, and the remarks have vexed and worried activists like Nguru Karugu of the Gay and Lesbian Coalition of Kenya.

Being gay in Kenya : Alternate Link Though rarely enforced, punishment in Kenya for gay sex is five to 14 years in jail. Sex between women is not mentioned in the law. The gay Kenyan men interviewed by Reuters asked to have their names changed, citing potential family and work problems. The lawyer, Alfred Nyairo Momanyi, issued a statement in which he urged the Anglican Church of Kenya to lead the debate. Where the Gay Community Hangs Out : In Nairobi, the homosexual community is a close-knit one that often operates in private homes and behind closed doors, unwilling to come out of the closet at least until recently when representatives of the gay community in Kenya have began appearing on radio shows and showing a more visible face of an invisible world.

Mumbi Machera, Mumbi In: Signe Arnfred, ed. In the course of writing this paper, the Daily Nation, a daily newspaper published in Kenya, put out an article entitled: "Bi-curious: An emerging trend. What I found very curious about the bi-curious girls is the difficulty they face in self-defining their new sexual identities.

The girls interviewed reiterated that they are not lesbians; so what are they? They admitted having sexual intimacies with their girlfriends "but they do not consider these trysts as cheating on their boyfriends. The authors surveyed 77 venues and estimated the number of MSM selling sex at these venues to be This number also indicates that there must be a fairly large population of male clients willing to pay for the sexual services of these MSM, as well as a larger community of other MSM, since most MSM do not sell sex. Indeed, an earlier snowball-survey conducted in Nairobi in enrolled MSM in a needs-assessment within 2 months.

The Congolese human rights activist suspects that he was put behind bars because he openly admitted being homosexual. After being released from prison, he left Congo for Uganda where he was granted asylum.

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Today, the year-old Congolese lives in Nairobi and he feels comfortable there. In some Nigerian federal states, where the Muslim sharia law is in force, homosexuals are stoned to death. There is too much immorality all around us. Homosexuality, lesbianism, name it. Anglicans defect to Kenya over gay priests : On Thursday, two U. The all-inclusive church community is especially known for its outreach to homosexuals. In Kenya and Uganda, both the government and local church communities are strongly homophobic.

All members of the Kenyan family cannot be said to have equal rights as long as paragraph and of the Kenyan Penal code exist. Whilst these draconian laws remain on our statutes, LGBTI people will continue to be the target of verbal and physical injury, sexual violence and social marginalization. Enough is enough.

It is time to scrap the laws that the British imposed upon us and left us with, laws that the colonizers themselves scrapped long ago. Let Kenya move out from the shadows of her colonial past and recognise the rights of her gay and lesbian citizens. Kenya: issue of homosexuality among Coastal youths : Speaking in Mombasa during a leaders meeting, Ngilu said she was shocked by revelations that homosexuality among teenagers was rampant in Coastal towns She urged the provincial administration to crack down on tycoons who, she said, lured youths into homosexuality.

Coast General Hospital chief administrator, Dr Khadija Shikelly, said schoolgirls engaged in anal sex to avoid getting pregnant. The groups claim that homosexuality and immorality are on the rise in Kenya.


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  4. Whilst the law in Kenya criminalizes homosexual acts between men, the law does not criminalize a community or an individual because of his or her sexual or gender identity. Gay bashing the new national pasttime in Kenya : When people use the term "gay bashing", they are often referring to gay people being physically attacked by bigots and the like. But as any counsellor will tell you, physical attack is not the only way to cause hurt. Well-aimed and badly intentioned words can be just as vicious as a fist or a kick in the ribs.

    Homosexuality is against African norms and traditions, and even in religion it is considered a great sin,'' Arap Moi has been quoted saying i n Kenya's Daily Nation newspaper. But networks of men who have sex with men can be found across the continent. And in Kenya, where homosexuality is a criminal offence, their voices are beginning to be heard. Statistics on the number of such men are hard to come by. Homosexuality and Aids: A double-edged sword As older women, known as mkungus, educate young girls in the duties of marriage, young homosexual men learn from male mkungus.

    Ahmed, 36, gives his pupils cooking lessons, advises them on perfumes that will please the "husband," and demonstrates how to wear a khanga flowered cloth in the house. At the end of the month's training he receives cloth and kitchen utensils as payment. Three hundred miles away, in Nairobi, men come to a bar in a well-known public building for their "sun-downer"— the drink at the end of the day. Some are flamboyant, wearing makeup and jewelry.

    Jack, almost seven feet tall, is a year-old hairstylist who has been blackmailed and arrested several times by the police. Others are more discreet, such as Odongo, 42, a gas station attendant from near the Ugandan border who left his wife in his hometown and regularly pays for the company of young men Mke-si-mume: Neocolonialism and Sexual Practice in Kenya : Most men who have homosexual intercourse still tend to lead traditional Kenyan lives with a wife and children.

    Some men who prefer sex with men claim that they are pressured into marriage. Several wives know of their husband's sexual and emotional relationships with other men, while others remain ignorant. Challenges in addressing counselling needs of MSM in highly stigmatized contexts: results of a qualitative study from Kenya : Participants expressed a range of attitudes to MSM from affirmation through tolerance to negative and stigmatizing, with some expressing that gayness was a disease that good counselling could change.

    All said that they lacked skills to conduct effective risk- reduction counselling. Most had learned all they knew about MSM from male sex workers and mentioned triggers such as poverty, alcohol and drugs. Few linked risk taking behaviour with life issues, self worth and stigma. As a result counsellors knew about the complex issues faced by high risk MSM but few described this impacting on their approaches to risk-reduction counselling. Arap Moi joins the club : Kenyan President Moi has echoed the anti-lesbigay sentiments of Uganda's Museveni, but is it a matter of conviction or a method of distraction?

    Planet Out news staff reported on 30 September The staggering claims, that there are no homosexuals among Gikuyus, is shattered by Stephen O. Murray's interview with a young Gikuyu man called Kamau, who is a student in London. Kamau states that he had been aware of his attraction to other men from a very young age and that he met and knew of other young men who, just like himself, showed interest in men. Lesbianism sweeps through female soccer in Kenya : Leading Kenyan psychiatrist says closeness between people of the same gender results in homosexuality.

    Homosexuality was particularly common in Kiambu and Thika districts, a fact attributed to their proximity to Nairobi, a city going through socio-cultural turbulence. International Encyclopedia of Sexuality : Kenya. Contains: "Awakenings: dreams and delusions of an incipient lesbian and gay movement in Kenya" P. Kenya Archives. Gay Kenya. Kenya Individual Documents Since However if you are going to war, it is often said you need to put your best soldiers forward which could also translate as a metaphor for addressing all Zambian under-laying issues if Zambia is ever going to move forward and develop in any way.

    And President Rupiah Banda said he understood the need not to criminalise homosexuals.. Correspondent Cleopatra spoke to Kitizo, a 22 years old gay man from Lusaka. He called on church mother bodies, especially the Zambia Episcopal Conference to exert pressure on Mr Sata to step down.. Being openly gay Zambia , Video, Alternate Link : Eventhough it's forbidden by law in the christian nation of Zambia, there are gays who are more or less open about their homosexuality. The love that whispers : Homosexuality is still illegal in Zambia, and it's possible to be prosecuted and jailed for sodomy.

    So although it would be a bit too extreme to say that it's underground or hidden, it does take a little luck or effort to find. I recently had the good fortune to meet a couple who agreed to give me some insights into gay Lusaka. Judging by what they say, they are at the hub of a vibrant and lively gay community in Lusaka. Their stories and experiences make it clear how ridiculous it is to claim, as some still do, that homosexuality is "un-African".

    Both Banda and Mbewe realised at a fairly young age that they were different from other boys and, beginning in their teens, each slowly began to find others like themselves. Around Banda saw an advertisement in a newspaper for a new organisation called Lesbians, Gays and Transgenders, or Legatra. He contacted it and became a member.

    Through a friend he made at Legatra he met Mbewe. Zambian gays gather to look into the future of their sexuality , PDF Download. I wish there more news and activities involving lesbian in some organisations that way there would be more us coming out to contribute or participate. This week Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia's former President, called on Zambians to "cool down" after months of often vicious debate and controversy surrounding efforts by the Lesbians, Gays, Bisexual and Transgender Persons Association Legatra to gain official status as a non governmental organization.

    The Zambian government has repeatedly warned anyone agitating for gay civil rights risks arrest and imprisonment. It wasn't just Mercy who made me become homosexual, it was an arrogancy of many other girls and the hatred of certain people. I still have dreams of getting back to girls. I can even consider becoming a bi-sexual. I will take my chances of homosexual. At least being gay will satisfy my everyday need for enjoyment and everlasting comfort and passion.

    In TIME magazine a woman wrote that gays and lesbians should have fair and equal treatment. I know that many Zambians are against homosexuality. I know some can stupidly say that homosexuals are a threat to Zambian society. Can I please enlighten on some truthful and interesting insights on this whole issue? Gays, lesbians, and bisexuals in Zambia live in constant fear of arbitrary detention, discrimination in education, employment, housing, and access to services, and extortion—all buttressed by the existence of sections - and lack of specific legal protections for LGBT under Zambian law On 23 September in a statement to parliament, published in the Times of Zambia, Zambian Vice President Christon Tempo vowed that, "If anybody promotes gay rights after this statement, the law will take its course When LGBT organizers appeared in the newspaper to announce their wishes to register the organization, government officials warned that any attempt to register the group or hold public meetings would be met with arrests.

    The then Home Affairs Minister Peter Machungwa ordered police to arrest anyone who attempted to register a group advocating for homosexual rights Extortion of gay men remains a major problem, and is often conducted with police participation. Gay men interviewed for this note all reported that blackmail of men believed to be gay was a regular occurrence and often led its victims to financial ruin, depression and ostracism from family and community. A recent report on a Zambian human rights website included an report by a police officer in which he described the targeting of gay men—both Zambian and foreigners—for police-instigated extortion attempts African prisons' refusal to provide condoms exposes prisoners to HIV : "The report claims that, "Malawi and Zambia show that at least one in eight men has sex in prison.

    Zambia Archive.

    Prédisposition génétique et familiale au cancer du sein

    Zambia Individual Documents since Zimbabwe rules out Gay rights in new Constitution Living in fear: a lesbian in Zimbabwe shares her story Although my friends, my true friends are aware of my sexuality, I am still afraid that my family will find out one day and reject me.

    The fear is always there as I listen to comments made about homosexuality at home and in public places. I listen hoping that no one will notice how silent I am or see the raw fear in my eyes.. According to the ZimDiaspora. The latest are gay-baiting remarks made by the country's leading opposition figure and a homophobic "joke" by its top minister In an exclusive interview with New Zimbabwe. Mr Mugabe infamously described gays as "worse than pigs and dogs" at the opening of the Zimbabwe's International Book Fair in New Blow for Gay Rights in Zimbabwe : Activists struggle on as legal clampdown on same-sex relationships comes into force Until recently, homosexuality was not illegal in Zimbabwe, although the statutes outlawed sodomy.

    However, a new law that came into force in August makes "physical contact between males that would be regarded by a reasonable person as an indecent act" a criminal offence. In a terse response to the new law, Keith Goddard, programme manager for the group Gays and Lesbians in Zimbabwe, GALZ, said, "Lesbians and gays are there and have a right to their sexual preference. Sexual preference is a human right. Gay activist goes into hiding , Alternate Link : The dreaded Zimbabwe state security agency the Central Intelligence Organization CIO has launched a manhunt for gay activist Dumisani Dube after the activist made a stunning disclosure to ZimDaily last week that he had a love affair with cabinet minister and Mugabe loyalist Stan Mudenge who infected him with the deadly HIV virus five years ago The hunted gay activist who fears for his life has gone into hiding and says he is making arrangements to flee the country before he is captured.

    The CIO is well known in Zimbabwe for their rank brutality and savagery when dealing with suspected culprits. Homosexual and hated in Zimbabwe Mugabe says homosexuals should be 'cured' by church Homophobia and Postcolonialism By Mica A. Hilson This year's scandal has led to the resignation of honorary trustee, the Midlands provincial governor, Cephas Msipa from the board of the fair Gays move closer to recognition in Zimbabwe. Intolerance, particularly at the official level, seems to have mellowed into indifference. Buoyed by a new-found confidence, the gay community is now pushing for greater recognition by society Critique of Anthropology, 19 3 : Maunze, Rumbidzai A history of debates on sexuality in Zimbabwe.

    When talking about sexuality in Zimbabwe, the influence of colonialism cannot be ignored as it comes to the forefront of much debate. Sexual orientations such as homosexuality are claimed to have been a colonial invention and not a Zimbabwean phenomenon hence debates on this tend to place blame on colonialism. Prostitution is believed to have increased a lot during colonialism due to the high influx of European settlers into present day Zimbabwe. Gendered sexuality is also said to have been influenced a lot by colonialism in Zimbabwe. This thesis brings the debate on sexuality to not only focus on the colonial aspects of sexuality in Zimbabwe but to bring it closer to home and find out how the government, media, families and religious institutions are debating sexuality.

    Gunda, Masiiwa Ragies The Bible and Homosexuality in Zimbabwe: A Socio-historical analysis of the political, cultural and Christian arguments in the homosexual public debate with special reference to the use of the Bible. Blackmail in Zimbabwe: Troubling Narratives of Sexuality and Human Rights : Abstract: Through analysis of a challenging scenario of homosexual blackmail in Zimbabwe, this article highlights the significance of the discursive and rhetorical realm in which law operates.

    Drawing on historical and contemporary sexual politics in Zimbabwe, it situates the practice of blackmail within its local context and considers how the victims' respective racial and sexual identities combined with their active sexual agency to pre-empt their representation as 'innocent', and to restrict their access to legal or discursive exculpation. It shows how the ascendant narratives that emerge from the blackmail scenario obscure the victims' 'truth', render them perpetually 'guilty', and reinscribe conventional sexual hierarchies.

    The article uses this analysis of blackmail to illustrate how the advance of sexual rights is inhibited by a tension between our idealisation of innocence in making rights claims, and our aspiration to agency in developing sexual equality. It is about the entrenched prejudices of white Zimbabweans, not just against blacks and communists, but 'homos' too.

    He finds a voice to fight the racism and in doing so has to deal with the so many other remnants hiding in his closet. Siyangapi is one of the few women to speak publicly about the prevalence of rape and other sexual atrocities in the Zimbabwe military. But a growing number of human rights groups have charged in recent months that forced sex and sexual torture are routine elements of life for men and women alike in the Youth Service, used as both a reward and a punishment Z imbabwe TV chief faces inquiry : "The powerful head of the Zimbabwe state broadcaster is to be investigated by the government after allegations of homosexuality were made against him, according to newspaper reports.

    Alum Mpofu, the chief executive of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corp, has been accused of causing a disturbance at a Harare nightclub after being caught "in a compromising situation" with a man, according to the state newspaper the Herald Carlos Mpofu, from Bulowayo, Zimbabwe , was twenty years old when our researcher spoke to him in Meanwhile, in high school I had just begun inching toward acting on my feelings. I had started dating my O-level teacher.

    I never had real sexual contact, just small stuff; and we never even discussed the fact that we were both gay. But we knew that we enjoyed each other's company. He was much older. We broke off for a while, because we were frightened. But in December , we reconciled. One night early in the next year we went out; we were holding hands and cuddling, sort of, at a movie house. One of my workmates was in the theater, a fellow teacher at the church school. On Monday, I went back to work and Pastor Bismarck called me in.

    He said, "I have heard a very disturbing thing and I want to discuss it with you. They "preaccused" me of things they thought I would do to schoolkids-molest them or corrupt them I was suicidal for about a month. I attempted to commit suicide; but my friends found me and revived me In June I fell in love. We made the mistake of being too careless. We did the kinds of crazy things you do when you are in love.

    Bulawayo is a small city and my mother was well known. My elder brother's girlfriend saw us kissing in town. This was the beginning of the biggest family problems at home Totally unacceptable to cultural norms : Gays in Zimbabwe fight institutionalized homophobia, see slow gains in social acceptance First of four parts : "These are some of the responses government-appointed commissioners recorded just last summer when they surveyed half a million Zimbabweans about what they want included in the country's new constitution.

    In each of their reports, the verdict on whether or not "freedom of sexual orientation" would be a fundamental right is clear. In another report, 98 percent of those surveyed answer no to the question, "Should gays and lesbians be allowed in Zimbabwe? Gay group supports condom provision in Zimbabwe's prisons : The statement said: "Due to the fact that men generally have a high sex drive, they are bound to have sex regardless of circumstances.

    It is important that those less able to stand up for themselves are not bullied into unwanted sex and can protect themselves. Phillips, Oliver In Zimbabwe, young gay men break taboos to talk candidly to Craig Hamilton about their sexuality. Resources: - Amnesty International On-line, Zimbabwe.

    Zimbabwe Archive. Zimbabwe Individual Documents since Gay week set to attract 'straight' community : The Namibian lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex LGBTI organisation — trp — endevours to raise awareness and educate the public about diversity. Homosexuality Not An Import : The question at hand is, did white people teach innocent black Namibians how to practise homosexuality as has been alleged before?

    The answer to this myth might be difficult to obtain, but the following might give an overview of the situation at hand and whether this should be blamed on the small number of whites of homosexual orientation. Take the Wernhil Park public toilet in the Windhoek's city centre for example. It is mainly frequented by blacks, with a few whites who make use of it. Go to the Windhoek city centre on a Saturday morning or any day of the week during lunch hour and you will see them, young black male Namibians, most of them professionals, who appear to be macho.

    They will show no outward sign of having anything to do with homosexual activities, and most of them have girlfriends, perhaps as way of covering up or just to fit in with others, but come night time they will find excuses to get to their same-sex partners. Among adults there are those who have taken advantage of their positions, enticing young boys for sex in exchange for job offers.. Being Gay In Namibia : But in Namibia, a growing national debate about homosexuality has followed a period of harsh condemnation, and gay rights groups now operate openly in the capital, Windhoek.

    One of them is the Rainbow Project, where Gurirab works as a suicide prevention counselor. The organization has interviewed gay Africans from across the continent, and its leaders say they believe the time is right to challenge prejudices and start a wider discussion on what being gay really means. She now lives in Windhoek and hosts a radio program about gay issues. In Namibia, gays said there was a relatively relaxed climate in large cities in the years before and after independence from South Africa in , and gay couples in Windhoek could hold hands in the street. But in the mid-'90s, they said, a chilling change occurred.

    But when Namibian leaders' promises fell through and poverty did not improve, the government became increasingly unpopular. The leaders were looking for a smokescreen and someone to blame.

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    Other teachers started teasing Gurirab, asking him why he didn't play soccer and why he spent so much time around his mother. Then one morning, he said, the gym teacher invited him into his office, locked the door and forced him onto the desk for sex. Let's see how good you are at it," the teacher said, according to Gurirab, now 25, who recounted the story through tears.

    The ordeal left his legs and arms with red bruises. The next day, distraught and confused, he had sex with a female classmate. I decided I would kill myself. I was so desperate I called a lifeline in London. They saved my life From Uganda, where homosexuality is punishable by life imprisonment, to Sierra Leone, where a lesbian activist was raped and stabbed to death at her desk last year, homophobia has long trapped gays in a dangerous, closeted life.

    With no places to meet openly, no groups to join, it seems sometimes that gay men and lesbians in Africa don't exist at all. But in Namibia, a growing national debate about homosexuality has followed a period of harsh condemnation, and gay rights groups now operate openly in the capital, Windhoek. One of them is the Rainbow Project, where Gurirab works as a suicide prevention counselor See their statement below.

    He has denounced and threatened queers, encouraging a climate of prejudice, discrimination and violence. If the whites ever participated, they pulled out long ago, retreating to private parties and social cliques. The Rainbow Project is now a Black and Coloured organization. As it ended up, I was pretty invisible, but it was an interesting anthropological experience: a slice of pre-Stonewall gay life.

    About 40 young Black and Coloured men and women pitched up at a plain room that was sparingly decorated with red hearts and red balloons. There were a fair number of cross-dressers, tall young men in spiked heels and bare midriffs, and flapping wrists everywhere. Nobody was older than mid Nujoma attacks homosexuals , Must Scroll. Namibian president announces purges against gays Some political and religious leaders have denounced gay men and women as un-African although 19th century ethnographic research documents sex between men in Africa.

    Politically constructed homophobia has a negative impact on public health because it excludes homosexuals from prevention and awareness campaigns, making them vulnerable to HIV infection Male rape, possibly the last frontier in public debate, was brought into the conference by Men United, a South African group dedicated to breaking the silence about male rape, providing support and care for survivors and their families, and educating youth to speak out against all sexual abuse. Nujoma's war on gays and lesbians is nothing new : "The Republic of Namibia does not allow homosexuality or lesbianism here.

    The density slope of Olympians decelerates with time as their life span increases. Regarding supercentenarians, the density slope increases slightly with time at the beginning of the observation period, at a similar pace among the densities layers. Then, the density slopes remains stable for the upper values. This results in a plateau attesting a stable phenomenon among supercentenarians in recent years. Densification Phenomenon Life span increase leveling off with the upper values entails an accumulation of individuals close to the survival convex envelope and reveals a densification phenomenon.

    The graphs describe an increased densification trend more continuous and more intense among supercentenar- ians than among Olympians. Discussion Learning From Leaders This study demonstrates the life-span trends in popu- lations with a propensity to live longer, Olympians and supercentenarians. Among Olympians, we observe a trend of increasing life duration, which slows down at advanced ages. Olympic participants undergo a highly selective pheno- typic process based on rare physiological aptness At the age of cohort entry, they were healthy subjects under favorable conditions genetic and environmental 17 reaching high standards of physical performances.

    Studies have shown that Olympians have healthier lifestyles after their career and maintain a good physical condition All these factors contribute to greater longevity 18— Window: X Olympians in ; ; Y Olympians in [10;]; X supercentenarians in [;]; and Y supercentenarians in [;]. The vertical dashed line delimitates the complete cohort, when the population has entirely died out.

    Isolated life spans are not represented in the figure because of their small density values. Beyond that age physical function or biomedical parameters may less accurately predict mortal- ity Despite the gap, Olympians and supercentenarians pre- sent similar life-span trends and densification phenomenon, intensified among supercentenarians. This common pattern may indicate that both populations are under similar mor- tality pressures, despite the different phenotypic selection criteria of each population.

    Such forces increase with age, and both populations respond similarly by a densification phenomenon.


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    Concerning supercentenarians, the increasing den- sity slope at the beginning of the observation period may be related to the greater number of recruited subjects and to a more reliable registry. Thereafter, the stable trends observed attest for a life-span plateau over the recent years. Accordingly, the life-span density trends provide no signs of a recent increased longevity pattern among the longest-lived, despite of an intense densification phenomenon.

    This scenario seems to be represented here, through the densification phenomenon, alluding to a rectangularization of the survival curves 22, To sup- port life-span extension forecasts, we would expect to find signs of expansion trends, people living each time longer at advanced ages 2. Life-span Record Holders The fittest subjects of each country compose the world- wide Olympians cohort This population is mostly formed by athletes from regions that have historically dominated sport performances and the world record for life expectancy as well.

    A Contour of the life-span density layers of Olympians and supercentenarians. Selected window: X Olympians in [;] first year forming a density layer up to the last year of a complete cohort ; Y Olympians in [80;]; and X supercentenarians in [;]; Y supercentenarians in [;]. Graphs B and C represent the increase of the density layers with time in the direction of the upper life span values measuring the densification phenomenon.

    Even though in the absolute sense Olympians constitute a small subset of gifted athletes, validated super- centenarians compose an even smaller subset of outliers. The trend among most Olympians toward an increased lifetime throughout the century is similar to what has been described in terms of life expectancy 5,24 and life-span modal analyses 3 in record-holding countries.

    Modal age at death, estimated in United States, Canada, and France, show similar increasing trends. Japan, however, has recently leveled off 3 comparably to Olympians life-span trend at advanced ages. The similar densification among Olympians and supercentenarians and their unclosing gap both strengthen the arguments defending that human biology may not allow most of us to become a centenarian Indeed, becoming one of them takes a complex sequence of rare and specific circumstances, involving constant favorable interactions between genetics 27 and environment Hence, it seems appropriate to distinguish the interpretation of actu- arial trends on all-cause mortality from biologic aging possibilities.

    Method Considerations Our study reinforces biologic forecasts 10,25,29 con- trasting with extension claims 7,30, However, our period of observation is restricted, and the size of the pop- ulation studied is relatively small. In addition, life expec- tancy increase has been discontinuous due to historical changes; our cohorts could reveal a transitional trend only.

    After this period, all demographic forecasts are based on period life tables death rates from a calendar year applied to peo- ple still alive and remain speculative 9. The underlying assumptions are deterministic—based on the premise that the future will repeat past trends. In addition, death rates at extremely older ages are uncertain Hence, analyzing a concrete cohort presenting a survival advantage may be an alternative method for understanding the present dynamics of maximal age trends.

    In light of the continuous reductions in mortality rates at advanced ages in high-income countries 6 possibly the den- sification phenomenon will intensify in most developed coun- tries. For instance, compression of deaths above the mode—a comparable measure for densification—has been observed in high-income countries 3. Then, the probability of surviving people, pushing the limits forward and leading to a life-span extension may be bigger. However, this scenario defended by prolongevists, seems to be possible only if nutritional, cli- matic, social, or economic conditions continuously improve.

    Important medical and technological advances may also lead to life extension 31 , but major health determinants already contribute to reduce life expectancy progression in developed countries 33, In addition, the current tendency in world climate change and environmental resources degradation may result in adverse health consequences especially affect- ing the eldest individuals Conclusion Most Olympians follow the general population tendency of a life span increase with time, a trend which deceler- ates as life span increases.

    At advanced ages, the slow pace on life duration progression leads to a densification of subjects dying simultaneously after reaching the highest ages. The common trends between Olympians and supercen- tenarians indicate similar mortality pressures over both populations. These forces increase with age, scenario bet- ter explained by a biologic barrier limiting further life-span progression. Although this forecast may be felt to be less optimistic, to consider the line of reasoning underlying it may contribute to a better understanding of life-span trends and better prevent what may decelerate further progression.

    Kryger, and Carole Birkan- Berz for reading the manuscript and providing valuable advice. Conflicts of Interest The authors confirm that there are no conflicts of interest. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript. In search of Methuselah: estimat- ing the upper limits to human longevity. Increase of maxi- mum life-span in Sweden, Ouellette N, Bourbeau R.

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    Methods 18 untrained subjects The RPE was recorded immediately after the sets. That RPE associated to its corresponding load was sub- jected to a linear regression analysis to extrapolate the maximal RPE score and its corresponding 1-RM. Differences between measured and pre- dicted 1-RM were reduced from the beginning to the end of training but standard deviations remained high Conclusions In older subjects, RPE may be used to pre- dict 1-RM; however, the predicted value deviates consid- erably from the measured one, necessitating cautious application.

    Keywords Strength training! Perceived exertion! One-repetition maximum! Rehabilitation Introduction Aging is associated with decreased strength and muscle mass that is defined as sarcopenia [1]. Strength training in the elderly increases protein synthesis, muscle mass and strength, and improves locomotor functions such as walk- ing speeds and postural control [2, 3]. As a consequence, strength training in rehabilitation program for older adults is largely promoted [4]. Peterson et al.

    Obviously, these limitations of 1-RM testing may be enhanced in elderly [6, 7]. In training and rehabilitation fields, 1-RM is frequently predicted using submaximal tests and applications of equa- tions for 1-RM prediction [8]. The accuracy of these equa- tions has been linked to specific exercises, to the populations assessed and to the relative strength used for repetition maximum testing [8, 9].

    Some studies reported that the use of such prediction equations for older adults may be valid for 1-RM estimate although errors of estimate may appear slightly high [6, 10, 11]. Furthermore, direct as well as indirect assessment of 1-RM require participants to perform repetitions until muscular failure which enhance muscular and cardiovascular health risks in untrained individuals and particularly elderly [6].

    To avoid risks associated with tests performed until exhaustion in population at risk, including older adults, some authors supported the use of ratings of perceived exertion RPE during graded exercises to predict maximal oxygen consumption [12—14]. A similar use of RPE to predict 1-RM was reported as providing highly accurate estimates although the loads to lift were presented in a ran- dom order and was not apparent to subjects [15]. The protocol used in this study was similar to that proposed by Eston and Evans [15] using light to moder- ately heavy loads and a very low repetition number during resistance exercise sets.

    The aim of the present study was to assess the accuracy of 1-RM prediction from RPE of resistance exercises performed in submaximal sets in older adults at the beginning and the end of a week strength training program. Materials and methods Subjects Eighteen subjects Each subject signed a consent form that outlined possible risks due to the procedure. The protocol was approved by the local Ethics Committee. All lived at home and were able to perform activities of natural daily life inde- pendently.

    Subjects were required to have medical ap- proval before participating in the study. No medication was being taken by the subjects that would have been expected to affect physical performance. Study design Before the first session and at the end of the week program, subjects heights were measured with a height measurement scale to the nearest cm, weight to the nearest 0. To decrease higher risk of injury occurring during the first weeks of strength training, sub- jects began by performing four sessions of familiarization to strength training and exercises during 2 weeks [18, 19].

    Training sessions, as well as those dedicated to study measures, were all separated by at least 72 h. The training program consisted of a total of The program was com- posed of exercises combining endurance cycling, stairs climbing and rowing ergometers; 20—30 min per session and strength training exercises. Subjects were tested during the 3rd and 12th weeks of the training rehabilitation program to determine their abilities to use RPE for 1-RM prediction in horizontal leg press Technogym, Issy les Moulineaux, France using a method described by Eston and Evans [15].

    Horizontal leg press was chosen because it allows reducing the influence of technical abilities on 1-RM and the movement appeared very safe for subjects. Session for 1-RM direct assessment and submaximal sets Individual 1-RM on horizontal leg press was assessed at the end of 2nd and 11th training weeks. Subjects completed a light standardized warm-up as described by Kraemer and Fry [20] a first set of 10 repetitions at an easy load fol- lowed by 1 min rest and then four repetitions at moderately heavy loads. Thereafter, subjects performed 3—5 attempts to reach 1-RM on the horizontal leg press to the nearest 5 kg with 5 min of rest period between each attempt only one repetition performed in each attempt.

    The sessions for submaximal sets completion and cor- responding RPE records followed the protocol reported by Aging Clin Exp Res Eston and Evans [15]. The three loads were randomly presented to the par- ticipant and were applied without making them apparent to the participant.

    The RPE was recorded following each of these submaximal sets. Ratings of perceived exertion The RPE was measured with the Borg Category Ratio scale CR; from 0 to 10 [21], as previously realized during strength training studies [22], without numerical rating of 0. The scale before you contains numbers from 0 to 10 and will be used to assess your perceptions of exertion while lifting these weights.

    We use this scale so that you may translate into numbers your feelings of exertion while you exercise. Data analysis The 1-RM predictions were calculated by entering indi- vidual participant RPE values and load kg from each submaximal set into a linear regression analysis that pro- vided individual regression equation to extrapolate a the- oretical 1-RM at CR of 10 [15]. Linear regression was used to determine the relationship between the RPE and the relative intensities of all sets 1-RM percentage pre- and post-training. One-way analyses of variance for repeated measures were performed to detect differences between RPE, predicted and measured 1-RM in pre- and post- training periods.

    The accuracy of the 1-RM prediction was quantified by the explained variance r2 of the rela- tionship between measured and predicted 1-RM and by the standard error of estimate SEE. R software version 3. Relative intensities of submaximal sets and RPE recorded following these sets are presented in Table 2.

    When the analyses were conducted separately for each intensity i. Measured and predicted 1-RM values differed at the beginning The mean prediction errors at the beginning of the study appeared high The prediction of 1-RM from RPE although statistically significant presents high individual prediction errors suggesting a careful use of loads deter- mined by such a method in older adults.

    Pre and post-training, RPE appears related to the relative intensities of submaximal sets that are in accordance with the reported ability of RPE to describe the intensity of resistance exercises in youths and healthy individuals [23, 24]. To our knowledge, this study is the first to show that RPE could be used to identify intensities of resistance exercises in older adults although some studies reported a possible use in endurance exercise [25—27].

    The relation- ship between RPE and set intensities requires considering the three relative intensities performed Int20, Int45 and Int Previously, the ability of older adults to dis- criminate the weight of the lifted objects has been reported to be reduced when compared to younger adults, whereas their ability to perceive weight ratio weight difference between two objects may be preserved [28].

    Therefore, our results suggest that RPE of a unique set may be insufficient to accurately identify the relative load that the subject lifted, while the discrimination of several loads improves the relationship between exercise intensity and RPE. When this is performed, our results show that RPE from submaximal sets can be used to provide a quite good estimation of 1-RM. Nevertheless the statistical significance of our results, individual error of prediction as well as SEE of regression analyses appears high in both pre- and post-training ses- sions. These errors of prediction could be assumed as quite high for older populations according to the health perspective of rehabilitation programs.

    The origins of load misperception are difficult to iden- tify and should be linked to several factors. However, the negative relationship between errors of prediction and 1-RM expressed relative to body weight suggested that subjects with the lower relative strength were the ones presenting the lower ability for load perception. The in- fluence of training state and fitness on RPE ability to de- scribe endurance physical effort has already been demonstrated [29, 30]. We previously reported that, in strength training, the relationship between relative exercise volumes and RPE was enhanced in trained individuals [22].

    The relationship between errors of prediction and 1-RM relative to body weight strength observed during pre- training was not significant during post-training suggesting that strength training could alter loads misperception par- ticularly in weaker subjects. Until the present study, such training effect on the accuracy of RPE use by older adults has mainly been suggested rather than demonstrated [17]. However, the week rehabilitation program results not only increase the 1-RM but also improved the ability to discriminate strength levels.

    Explained variance of the re- lationships and SEE demonstrate a higher accuracy for post-training 1-RM estimates than for pre-training esti- mates. For similar relative intensities, sets of RPE at Int20 and Int45 were higher in pre-training than in post-training underlining over-estimation of light loads at the beginning of the training period. This over-estimation of the strength in older adults that required to lift or grip objects has been previously reported [11, 31]. Post-training, differences between measured and predicted 1-RM appear more balanced with under- and over-estimation of 1-RM.

    This 1-RM over-estimation observed during post-training may enhance the muscular risks associated with exercise. Therefore, at the beginning of training, RPE provides un- der-estimations of 1-RM rendering low accuracy for 1-RM predictions but remaining safe. Conversely, the higher prediction accuracy observed during post-training was combined with over-estimation that could be associated with enhanced potential risks for older subjects. It could be hypothesized that in pre-training, over-estimating loads may have a protective role against risks associated with physical tasks in older subjects.

    We assumed that the protocol, used in the present study, cannot be applied in practice as relative loads of sub- maximal sets cannot be known. Our results demonstrate that 1-RM predictions could be calculated by recording RPE after several sets of resistance exercises performed at light to moderate loads and with low repetition number. A practical method of 1-RM estimation from RPE should correspond to ratings of unknown light to moderate loads.

    To preserve older subject from any risks, testing loads should be modified according to previous rating to avoid high loads i. After 1-RM estimation and loads determination, loads to lift should be tested by subjects before being included in the sets of strength training programs. Furthermore, it is of importance to note that enhanced strength capacities were identified by RPE underlining the fact that RPE may be an easy tool for the assessment of training effects or even for individual training monitoring in a day or week basis as proposed for young adults and athletes [34].

    Conclusion Despite aging negative effects, the present study reported that in the elderly, RPE may be used to estimate 1-RM with fairly reasonable accuracy despite using sub-maximal loads 70 80 90 70 80 90 Predicted 1-RM kg Measured1-RM kg A Predicted 1-RM kg Measured1-RM kg B Fig. Pre-training, the 1-RM is rather underestimated, especially in weaker subjects, than over- estimated thus rendering the method safe.

    The present method paves the way to a practical method where 1-RM will be predicted neither with prior knowl- edge, nor with later determination of actual 1-RM. Conflict of interest On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of interest.

    This article does not contain any studieswith animals performed by any of the author. Informed consent Informed consent was obtained from all indi- vidual participants included in the study. Am J Epidemiol — 2.

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