Familles et parentalité : rôles et fonctions (French Edition)

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Negotiating the challenges of participatory action research: Relationships, power, participation, change, and credibility. In: Reason P. Green S. The impact of stigma on maternal attitudes toward placement of children with disabilities in residential care facilities.

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    Cultural Orientation Resource Center. Scior K. Public awareness, attitudes, and beliefs regarding intellectual disability: A systematic review. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 32 , Consigned to the margins: A call for global action to challenge intellectual disability stigma. The Lancet, 4 , ee Data were collected through video recordings and, prior to the recordings, all the subjects participating in the study were asked to fill in and sign a consent form.

    The experimental protocol consisted of a systematic observation of a scientific and technical discovery activity, chosen for its academic and attractive nature, involving the parents and their children. The difficulty level of the activity was adjusted to allow parents to have an active role and to be able to support effectively their children.

    However, the problem-solving tasks proposed during the experimental activity were fundamentally dissimilar to everyday routines and essentially based on a typical school procedure, with the aim of studying the variability of the interaction style within the same dyad between a two-poles-continuum: domestic vs. The same instructions were repeated to the parents. Figures 2a and 2b: Material made available to the child for the experimental activity. Box 1: Concepts covered by the experimental activity.

    Instruction 1 to light up a bulb with a battery :. The two terminals of the bulb are the stud and the base. To switch on the bulb with the battery, one of the battery terminals must be connected to the bulb base and the other to the bulb terminal. Thus, we obtain a closed circuit and the bulb lights up. Instruction 2 the role of the switch in an electrical circuit :. In an electrical circuit, the switch controls the closing or opening of the circuit and it allows or not the electrical current to flow to the bulb and to switch on the light.

    The activity lasted between 7 to 12 minutes, depending on the dyads. For the third and final task, every child was requested to draw, and explain in a graphic way, the experience see Figure 3. Figure 3: Summary sheet of instruction 3. The films we recorded during the second phase of our study were transcribed according to the ICOR convention ICAR, [an extract from the transcription convention, with the main code is presented in Box 2]. Box 2: Excerpt from the transcription convention, with the main codes. Video recordings of the interactions were coded with a half-second accuracy interval for all verbal and non-verbal interventions or simultaneous interventions e.

    The data collected during our fieldwork in French Guiana allowed us to describe and determine the tendencies of the parental behavior within the four cultural communities we studied. Two main objectives were reached:. Firstly, for each of the four communities, we were able to determine the dominant parenting style in the daily context and during everyday activities;.

    Furthermore, we did not record relevant differences in daily routines between the four dyads and, in all cases, observed children who had the afternoon off without worrying about school. Our ethnographic survey confirmed that, when at home, children are generally involved in three main activities: playing with their peers, participating in adult-driven activities and helping in domestic tasks especially the young girls.

    We observed, for example, that:. Observers noted the absence of positive rewards or feedback from the parents, as well as the absence of punishment when children failed their tasks;. The context was characterized by the absence of constraint and permissiveness. Finally, in our sample, children were generally allowed to choose what they wanted to learn e. The four dyads participating in our study belonged to traditional Bushinengue communities where mothers had a primordial role in the education of their children; for two dyads, mothers were assisted by their brothers and sisters in the education of their children the father was out of the home for most of the time ; for the third dyad, even though the father was not living with his child, he showed concern for the education of his progenitury nevertheless, all relevant family decisions belonged to the mother ; and for the fourth dyad, the father lived permanently with the family.

    As in Teko communities, Aluku children enjoyed great freedom, living at the rhythm of their needs i. Observing the four dyads, the standard interactional style shown by Aluku parents is a blend of empowering, directive and slightly disjointed interactions. However, particularities were noted from one dyad to another:. In general, the directive manners of the parents alternating between empowerment and severity , combined with the liveliness of the children, gave the interaction a restless, talkative, noisy, tumultuous atmosphere.

    Some scholars, observing the parental habits of Aluku families, highlighted the brutality of their educational style Hurault, Among members of the Laotian diaspora in French Guiana, children are introduced to the Laotian culture and language by their parents and grandparents. When at home, they always speak Laotian and often listen to Laotian or Thai music, not to mention that their food is also almost exclusively based on Laotian gastronomy.

    Parents make explicit demands in terms of expectations of success in school; children are pressured to achieve excellence when at school and, conversely, they are reprimanded for unsatisfactory results. Grandparents are very involved in the education of the children, speaking to them in Laotian and teaching them the customs and traditions of their country of origin. Also, we observed that:. Learning situations focused mainly on household tasks. Interventions linked with schoolwork were mostly suggestive;. The overall description of these four dyads shows a reserved, undemonstrative affectivity.

    The parents are very concerned by education issues that are often associated with both a suggestive style of knowledge transmission and directive interventions to clearly define the parental expectations. During our observations, we never recorded any disjointed behavior. For the four selected dyads, the children we observed were bilingual in Haitian Creole and French; all were correctly enrolled in compulsory schooling.

    All parents declared that they were concerned by school issues, even if they were not able to help their children in school activities. The family environments of the four observed Haitian dyads were animated by the television which was switched on continuously, even when no one was watching. In addition, when doing their homework, the children kept glancing at television programs. Parental interventions were mostly directive and disjointed, with some suggestive and empowering verbal exchange.

    The summary of observations highlights an overrepresentation of directive style interactions as a form of behavior regulation when parents, for instance, assist their children with homework and a general predominance of disjointed style interactions. Some positive feedback was noted, generally linked to the positive school performances of the children.

    The coding of verbal and non-verbal interventions according to the analysis grid presented in Table 1 enabled us to classify parental behavior and to present the structure of the interaction style pattern for each parent see Figure 4. Concerning the Teko and Aluku dyads, we observed that:. In experimental situations, Aluku dyads seem to reproduce their daily style a blend of empowering and directive interventions, but with a directive dominant. The suggestive style is not present and disjointed interventions are negligible.

    Concerning the dyads belonging to the Laotian and Haitian immigrant groups, the directive style is largely predominant. Laotian parents seem to be more inclined to suggestive interactions than their Haitian homologues see the individual variations in Figure 5.

    All 16 dyads from our sample showed a preponderance of directive interactions. However, a detailed reading of the transcripts reveals differences between the sociocultural groups we observed:. An example of an N3 act is presented in Box 2 an extract from the transcription convention is presented in Table 3.

    Table 3: Excerpt from the transcripts of the exchanges within the Teko dyad 1. Table 4: Excerpt from the transcripts of the exchanges within the Aluku dyad 3. See Table 5. Table 5: Excerpt from the transcripts of the exchanges within the Laotian dyad 2. Table 6: Excerpt from the transcripts of the exchanges within the Haitian dyad 1. We present here an extract from the transcripts of a Laotian dyad, including some suggestive actions see Table 7 :. Table 7: Excerpt from the transcripts of the exchanges within the Laotian dyad 1. The transcript shows an interaction based on a scientific procedure: starting from previous knowledge, it is possible to develop the hypothesis the expected effects or the preliminary predictions and procedures to validate this knowledge or, on the contrary, to question it.

    Schematization in the conceptualization process is important, as it allows us to see what the child has learned from the experience while facilitating the acquisition of concepts. Through the diagram which is complementary to the oral and written expressions, the child moves from a verbal model to a graphic drawing.

    Among the four groups participating in the study:. Figure 6: Diagram sheets made by a child of a Laotian dyad. We are tempted to make a connection between the type of help given to the child in particular the frequency of suggestive acts and the success of the diagram drawing activity. The children who succeeded on their own were those who benefited from a high number of suggestive interactions with their parents. All Laotian children and three Teko children received suggestive support from their parents.

    However, the type of support differed between these two sociocultural groups. Laotian parents produced more verbal actions V6 , while Teko parents produced more non-verbal actions N1 and N2. This type of behaviour is consistent with the everyday interactional style of the parents: learning activities among Teko dyads are characterized by silent demonstrations, observations and imitations, whilst Laotian dyads showed a high level of verbalization 3.

    During our observations, all dyads interacted by using different languages. Indeed, recent sociolinguistic studies have highlighted the regulatory function played by the choice of a language rather than another in a plurilingual context Auer, During our study, we observed that the participants in the survey often used their first language different from French mostly for three functional reasons:.

    As an effect of the lack of confidence shown by some parents due to their limited skills in the French language;. The first two excerpts Tables 3 and 4 illustrate how the change of language has a regulatory function. For the other examples Tables 5 and 6 , the change reinforces the directive support. Box 7 contains phenomena similar to those encountered in the previous examples. In the use of the two languages, what is significant is the alternation itself and not the chosen language. It provides another means of reformulation monolingual reformulation vs. The purpose of this article was to present and compare the interactional patterns of sixteen dyads belonging to four linguistic and cultural minorities in French Guiana.

    We observed the interactional patterns of these families in two distinct situations: spontaneous educational performances, as part of everyday routines, and structured educational performances in an experimental situation during a scientific discovery activity, proposed by our research team.

    Our first study was aimed at identifying the dominant interactional style and the interactional pattern within the same sociocultural group. Following other scholars, we considered that specificities between dyads belonging to the same sociocultural group could be explained by the influences of interacting systems Bronfenbrenner, which are specific to each dyad: the influence of the immediate environment the experience of family members, the socio-economic situation of the family, the aspirations of the family, etc. Nevertheless, the presence of a dominant interaction style for each community could be explained by the fact that these sociocultural groups maintain a strong cultural identity associated with geographical isolation.

    Our second study was aimed at describing interactional styles in an experimental situation and the data we collected revealed a significative variation in the interaction style of each dyad compared to their everyday style associated with a general predominance of the directive style for the four sociocultural groups.

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    We suggest that, despite the geographical isolation of these populations, the interactive dynamics linking the different levels and niches of the socioeconomic system i. The results of this study in particular the interactive styles of the parents, the cultural particularisms versus the behavioral similarities in an educational activity of a scientific nature, the practice of the codic alternation in the parent-child exchanges could contribute to the understanding of the differences of the educational adaptability of the minority groups we studied.

    One of the limitations of this study is related to the small size of our sample, due to the fact that the methodology we used required several ethnographic missions to isolated sites where it was often difficult to obtain the agreement of the local communities. Nevertheless, in the future, the corpus could be increased using the same research protocol among other socio-cultural groups.

    In fact, the global interactive patterns of the groups we studied only represent the most recurrent behavior in the dyads of a given group; however, the results reported in this article highlight the individual footprint of each interactive pattern, according to the interactive ecosystem dynamics in which the dyad evolves.

    An eventual research bias could be found in our choice to compare a natural situation Study 1 and an experimental situation Study 2. In Study 2, the imposed activity and the presence of the camera could modify the behavior of the interactants. However, the use of family observers seems to have mitigated this constraint. The observation of the interactive style in learning activities could also have been done in a natural setting, observing the parental accompaniment tp the homework requested by the school and not during an activity imposed by the researcher.

    However, this last choice would have generated other variables such as the discipline involved in the task or the duration of the activity and would have required a prolonged presence of the observers within the families. The originality of this work consists, on the one hand, of the subject of the study to our knowledge it is the first research that tries to make a comparative account of the parental educational practices of these socio-cultural groups and, on the other hand, of the analysis of the data, comparing intradyadic and interdyadic interactions in two contrasting types of activity.

    The research presented in this article was born from questioning the educational system of French Guiana which has a high rate of out-of-school students and very low primary school assessment scores. Our exploratory research was aimed at analyzing the interactive family styles according to two variables: the socio-cultural context of belonging of the dyads participating in the study four distinct contexts concerning the culture and mother tongue and the context of the interactive situation observed daily activities vs learning activities.

    The studied groups are distinguished from each other by interactivity macro-patterns. Thus, the hypothesis that parental interactive styles are related to the socio-economic ecosystem, and the social history of families and communities has been confirmed. The dyads participating in our study showed a predominance of the following interactive styles:.

    Laotians of French Guiana, a suggestive style;. Haitians of French Guiana, a directive and disjointed style. In the context of daily activities, interactive style differences were observed within the same sociocultural group interdiadic variability. For example, in the group of Laotian dyads, one pair is rather suggestive, while another rather empowering. These differences can be explained by the interactive ecosystem dynamics in which the family evolves. However, the interdiadic variations within the same socio-cultural group do not erase the dominant interactional style, which is present among all the dyads.

    In the context of learning-oriented, school-based activities, all the dyads showed a directive style. The assumption of interactive style variability by type of activity was confirmed intradyadic variability. For example, the empowering daily style of a teko dyad becomes directive in a school-based activity. The name itself indicated that mediation had advanced a lot further than when the AMPF was formed in Thus, mediators would be considered as professionals in the same way as other professionals involved in the social sciences, such as social workers or psychologists.

    These constituted the major preoccupations of family mediation organisations with regard to their profession in France in the s. As far as the actual practice of mediation was concerned, the major focus was to reinforce family bonds for the sake of the children throughout the trauma of separation and divorce. These goals coincided with the desire of successive governments to minimise the harm of family breakdown and its cost to the taxpayer and societal stability as well as and partly as a result of the latter to increase the responsibilities and rights of fathers.

    Lien entre les pratiques parentales négatives et … – Enfances, Familles, Générations – Érudit

    Possibly because of the influence of the dominant religion, the Catholic Church, which remains strong to the present day, the French are generally very concerned about supporting the family and assisting its cohesiveness. The Catholic Church is often involved directly and indirectly in family support. The priority given to the family is also reflected in the number of government and government assisted organisations working for the benefit of families throughout the country.

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    In addition, there exists a myriad of child and family services providing counselling and other forms of assistance. The considerable increase in the number of divorce and related matters in the s brought the beginnings of support from the legislature which has remained supportive of family mediation since that time.

    Point de vue

    However, such funding was not compulsory, and many of the organisations did not even have a qualified family mediator on staff Sassier, When ministers and public servants and so many professionals in the area of family welfare - some of whom were already practising family mediation - assembled for these conferences, it was easier for the latter to apply the sort of pressure needed to give the legislature a push in the right direction.

    This gave civil conciliation and mediation, including family mediation, a legal framework. It should be noted that family mediators were not the only professionals agitating for a change in the law with respect to mediation. Under the law, No. This may apply to part or the whole of a matter, although the judge remains in control and can stop the mediation at any time at the request of the mediator or either party if it appears compromised. If the parties request it, the judge can ratify the agreement they put before him and thus give it executive force Article No obligation to confidentiality exists when the mediator learns of actions susceptible to penal sanctions such as domestic violence or abuse of a child.

    Although the French Treasury was providing increasing financial support to associations for family mediation - francs in , francs in and 1. The pilot committee for the Conference of the Family, in a report on the subject of a family law statute, recommended to the French Prime Minister in February of that year, that the emphasis of the courts should be on early family mediation to resolve disputes.

    This was considered essential. By , half of all French children whose parents had divorced had either completely lost contact with the noncustodial parent, or saw that parent only very occasionally Sassier, However, the bond of the father and mother as parents with joint responsibility for the children was also seen as part of the family bond, not just the relationship each parent has with their children. This theme occurs repeatedly among French mediators and accords so well with government policy of the last few years that it is reflected repeatedly in ministerial reports and speeches.

    By way of contrast, in Australia, although the welfare of the children of a marriage is paramount under section 11 3 of the Family Law Act , one does not find the intense focus on the bonds of the couple as mother and father that exists not only among French mediators, but also parliamentarians, judges, and researchers. On the contrary, there appears to be a greater emphasis in Australia as well as in other common-law countries on meeting the needs of all the family as individuals.

    It may be useful, therefore, at this point to make a brief comment on the attitude of the French towards the family, as naturally that has strongly influenced the attitude of their government, the judiciary, family organisations and the public at large towards family mediation. Nevertheless, it is considerably more allocentric than Anglo-Saxon countries, where the dominant Protestant religions tend to focus perhaps more on the individual than on the cohesiveness of the extended family group.

    The most salient of these values is familismo, which places the multigenerational, informal extended family at thecore of the culture. Family thus extends vertically to include grandparents, aunts, uncles, andcousins to the fourth generation Thus la familia referstothekinnetwork, as opposed to la casa, which denotes the immediate or nuclear family. Above all, there is absolutely no doubt that from the mid s on, the French government has been trying to disabuse parents of the idea that they can go their own separate ways after divorce, with respect to their children. They have made it abundantly clear through legislation, reports, and parliamentary speeches that father and mother are expected to cooperate in their exercise of parental authority.

    As a result, since , several measures have been instituted to support these views, most involving family mediation either directly or indirectly. Referring to the European Convention on the exercise of the rights of children, and relying particularly on article 13 of the Convention which deals with the resolution of conflicts concerning children through mediation or other conflict resolution methods, the Conseil made a strong recommendation to the governments of its member states that they should institute or promote family mediation and put into practice the widerangingprinciples it recommended.

    Familles nombreuses : vacances ou galère ?

    The changes in family law concerning mediation have certainly been rapid since when a taskforce was set up by the Chancellery to examine all aspects of family law, particularly those relating to divorce, the rights and responsibilities of parents, the rights of children, and the role of mediation. In addition, the law was amended to provide children born outside marriage, for the first time, with the same rights as children born in wedlock.

    In the case of disagreement, the judge can suggest or impose family mediation.