Red Sky at Night: Superstitions and Wives Tales Compiled by Atlantic Canadas Most Eclectic Collector

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Lawrence Shaw Mayo, 3 vols. Cambridge, Mass. Winthrop, History of New England , ed. Morison, —; Winthrop, History of New England , ed. T, 25 June , ibid. Hosmer, I, Boston, — , IV, Robert E. Hosmer, II, DeLoss Love, Jr. William R. Hosmer, II, ; Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, ed. Winslow, Good Newes, Gloucester, Mass. Moody, Gorges, Letters of Thomas Gorges , Moody ed. Gorges, Letters of Thomas Gorges , ed. Moody, —, , ; Winthrop, History of New England , ed. Hubbard, General History of New England , 20— John Winthrop noted in that a cow and a goat were said to have died of eating Indian corn.

History of New England , ed. On the wholesomeness, usefulness, and great increase of maize, see ibid. Mourt's Relation , 60—61; Winslow, Good Newes , 62— One dissenter from this picture of abundance and fecundity was Thomas Gorges in Maine, who said that cows gave only half as much milk in America as they did in England. Moody, — Turkeys had been brought from Mexico to Europe in the second decade of the sixteenth century and were plentiful in Norfolk by the end of the century. Joan Thirsk Cambridge, , Thomas Lechford agreed that oats and rye thrived, but said barley did poorly.

Plain Dealing , See Howard S. Wonder-Working Providence, He may have been mistaken about the grain; see Russell, Long, Deep Furrow , 40— Russell, Long, Deep Furrow , — Miner and George D. Stanton, Jr. New London, Conn. Vincent, True Relation , sig. Edinburgh, , sig. Ludlum, Early American Winters , 15, says the winter of — was severe, but gives no citation.

Hammond Trumbull, ed. Alan and Mary Simpson Chester, Conn. Peter N. For the howling wilderness image, see Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence , sig. Halsey Thomas, ed. New York, , I, 47, Mather stated that was the worst year ever for the wheat blast in Connecticut, noting that hundreds of acres did not yield enough to feed one family.

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Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence , 55, , — Sewall, Diary , ed. Thomas, I, Thomas Robbins, 2 vols. Hartford, Conn. Ford, ; Russell, Diary , 6—8. Cotton Mather, Diary , ed. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts-Bay , ed. Mayo, II, 76n. Ford, Earl of Bellomont in E. Adolph B. Benson, 2 vols. Samuel G. Drake, 2 vols. Mather reprinted the proclamation of the General Court. Robert G. Vaughan and Francis J. Bremer, eds.

Kenneth L. Walton and James H. Clough, New-England Almanack , Dearth conditions may have partly motivated the attempt on the part of the Boston selectmen and the legislature to erect a controlled public market in See Gary B. Warden, Boston, — Boston, , 53—54; Karen J. Thomas, I, — For the detailed evidence, see Joan Thirsk, ed. Wrigley and R. Thirsk, ed. Darby, The Draining of the Fens , 2d ed. Cambridge, , 13ff. Chalklin and M. Havinden, eds. Cooper, eds. Thirsk, Economic Policy and Projects , 71— Phil, thesis, University of Keele, , Thirsk and Cooper, eds.

James Colville, ed. Susan M. Kingsbury, ed. Washington, D. London, , 17 ff.

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James Savage, 2d ed. Boston, , II, 91, ; J. Franklin Jameson, ed. Boston, ] , Joan Thirsk Cambridge, , — While English villagers operated upon localistic premises, such as what to grow for the nearby agricultural market, it is not clear whether they were consciously aware of similarities in nearby communities or of regional or subregional economies. Thus, what may have been localism to them might be more aptly described as having a wider geographic basis than the single locality. He criticizes me in that instance for not using A.

Concerning my dubious statistics, Konig insists that I used glebe terriers to make comparisons of wealth distributions. Such a feat would be impossible. As the book repeatedly makes clear, the terriers provided a representative view of landholdings in different parts of England. The comparative wealth figures were based on extensive inventory evidence on both sides of the Atlantic and, in one instance, on a tax rate list. My tables and text are clearly limited to the first generation and say so. Konig has tried to discredit my claims by broadening them beyond recognition without carefully understanding the impact of accumulated details that underscore my interpretation.

Yet he fails to note the different reasons for establishing such regulations in three of my towns—Rowley a tradition of wood scarcity in Yorkshire ; Hingham the presence of a woodcrafting industry in old and new Hingham ; and Newbury the fear of squatters taking over more common land. Instead of taking on the whole argument, Konig questions a relatively minor point raised in a single sentence concerning the low rate of probate filings in the decades after the establishment of the county courts, a statistic that, in passing, I suggested as indicative of the initial weakness of the institution.

After two paragraphs of discussion on this single point, Konig has not supplied us with a useful alternative interpretation because he has not taken into account two obvious factors, the relatively high death rate experienced in the colony during the first two decades after settlement and the age distribution of the settlers, many of whom were middleaged or older. Had he tested my viewpoint against my list of multi-aged Watertown land grantees, for instance, rather than the list of young p. Oddly, Konig also thinks that I ought to compare patterns of testacy in Massachusetts and in English localities, a task that would require laborious population reconstructions and complicated English probate research see p.

That each of my five towns showed so many striking differences in local administration and governance should be adequate proof that local government was practiced with a wide degree of discretion. Konig seems to think that these selectmen were mere agents of the county court when, in a few instances, they enforced county orders. By attacking In English Ways on minor, often irrelevant, misleading, or tactless points, Konig fails to perceive the broader themes and implications of the book.

Convinced that Anglo-American history of the period must be viewed through county or higher institutions and through the socially and economically more powerful men who ran them, Konig construes the seventeenth century as virtually devoid of the yeomen, husbandmen, small tradesmen, and other humbler folk whose daily activities centered around their agricultural pursuits and local personal and institutional relationships—not trips to courts, shire to wns, or provincial capitals.

Whether these Englishmen, some of whom later settled in New England, were concerned with the wider issues and world that Konig refers to remains for him to prove. Fairbanks and Robert F. Trent, eds. Boston, , I, 1—10, and catalog entry, Boston, , 1—2 3 April , 23 2 May Herbert B. Adams, 7th Ser. Lists of early settlers and information on their English origins come also from several town histories and genealogies, including: Henry R.

For an account of other New England settlers from the same general area but with very different occupational interests, see R. Stiles, History of Ancient Windsor , Wrightson and Levin, Poverty and Piety , — Land distribution practices are based on a compilation of grants from the early divisions, Hartford Town Votes , especially 22—24, 49—53; and Love, Colonial History of Hartford , — For land sales and exchanges in early Hartford, see Original Distribution of the Lands in Hartford among the Settlers, , Connecticut Historical Society, Collections , XIV , passim , especially in the index, —, where such activities are arranged under individual landholders.

For some specific but random examples of individuals and their sales and exchanging pursuits, see Richard Lord, ibid. Connecticut Probate Records, Nos. For some other representative inventories, see ibid. Leonard W. Milford Register of Deeds, Vols. For some other examples, see New Haven Probate Records, vol. Bruce C. Baker and Robin A. Butlin, eds. Like East Anglia and because of the same open manor environment, strong local leadership at the parish or town level developed in the Weald.

A, —, pt. Register of Terriers, Vol. A, pt. A, , Vol. New Haven Probate Records, Vol. Howard S. Something like this occurred at New Haven, where London mer chant interests tried to establish a commercial center to rival Boston. The attempt failed and settlers there were obliged either to leave or turn to husbandry Hubbard, General History of New England , —, Conversely, some settlers found new opportunities available in the New World and turned to new occupations on at least a part-time basis Allen, In English Ways , — By and large, however, New England settlers came from rural backgrounds, and those from boroughs were often refugees from the countryside.

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In a world in which occupational distinctions were still fluid, borough men were never far away from agriculture, and tradesmen carried on part-time activity in livestock and grain growing ibid. Teele, ed. David Grayson Allen et al. As the number of new towns created dropped precipitously during the last quarter of the century, second-and third-generation New Englanders continued to live in the towns of their fathers and grandfathers.

Only with the rise of the fourth generation and the temporary hiatus in inter-colonial rivalries and Indian threats were a substantial number of new towns founded. This occurred for the most part after See In English Ways , — Savage, I, —, ; M. See also Susan L. Stating the general proposition in another way, would an early 17th-century York-shireman have recognized and understood the midth-century Yorkshire landscape any more or less than the transplanted 17th-century Yorkshireman might have recognized and understood the society in the Rowley, Massachusetts, of ?

Both places had changed considerably during the previous century and a quarter, and such developments could, and did, modify preexisting customs. Thomas, I, 1, 10, 17, 61, —; Steinei, History of Guilford , See generally Fairbanks and Trent, eds. Boston, George Francis Dow and Mary G.

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Thresher, eds. Salem and Worcester, Mass. John A. Albro, ed. Boston, , III, — Quoted in J. Quoted in R. Nathaniel B. James K. Hosmer, 2 vols. Bidwell and John I. Salem, Mass. James Phinney Baxter, ed. William T. Davis New York, , —, — Hosmer, II, 61; Baxter, ed. Upham, ed. Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Colony , 2 vols. Ipswich, Mass. The biographical data on these men were drawn from ibid. I; and Perley, History of Salem , vols. I, II. Daniel F. Frost, ed. See Corwin Account Books, —, — For an example of seasonal fluctuations in prices during the seventeenth century, see Essex County Court Records , V, 9— Corwin Account Books, —, — For specific examples of partnerships, see ibid.

Browne Goode, ed. Corwin Account Book, — Records of Massachusetts Bay , IV, ii, Charles T. Libby et al. Portland, Maine, — , I, 52; II, 88, 98—99, , , John Noble and John F. Cronin, eds. See Evarts B. Greene and Virginia D. Harrington, eds. Trask et ah, Suffolk Deeds , 14 vols. Topsfield, Mass. Bowden, ed. This average was calculated from a sample of 51 annual incomes drawn from the years — in Corwin Account Book, — Here as elsewhere in this paper, Massachusetts currency values were converted into British sterling using John J.

Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, — Toronto, , By the second quarter of the eighteenth century, as the Table makes clear, the indebtedness recorded in the probated estates of fishermen had greatly diminished. Obviously, credit was no longer essential to the manning of the fishery. As more and more mariners decided to settle in the outports, marry, and raise up their sons in the trade, the scarcity of labor began to ebb. Merchants no longer had to compete with one another over the fishing hands they needed, and their generosity in advancing goods evaporated. Mean wealth and indebtedness were calculated for the 24 fishermen whose estates were inventoried between and This shows no positive and possibly a weak negative correlation between debt and poverty.

Essex County Probate Files, No. Of 13 inventories of fishermen who died at sea, only 4 contained land or animals. Edwin A. Ages at emigration were calculated for those 42 fishermen whose ages were noted in the court records. His age at emigration was, therefore, Fishermen identified in the sources mentioned in n. Essex County Court Records , I, , , Liquor-related offenses were counted for sample periods, —, —, — Charles E.

This description of eastern Massachusetts in the eighteenth century draws especially on Kenneth A. Greven, Jr. Johnson, eds. Growing out of musings and readings scattered over a number of years and of recent editorial involvement with volume one of the Historical Atlas of Canada , this paper is not easily footnoted. Largely for reasons of expediency, I finally have decided to footnote it minimally. Direct quotations and references are noted, some wider literatures are introduced by a few key references, and here and there mention is made of specialized studies.

Where the most accessible reference on a particular topic will be a plate in the Historical Atlas of Canada forthcoming, , it is so footnoted. I have been particularly sparing of references to early New England, as most readers of this paper will know the literature on that area better than I do. Wilson, ed.

For an example of the pressure on the forest and of the steps taken to protect it, see E. The recent literature on early New England emphasizes local variety and the transatlantic persistence of local English ways, yet embodies a certain ambivalence. To take one example, in T. A helpful introduction with an ample bibliography to the English economic background of seventeenth-century North America is in D. Coleman, The Economy of England, — Oxford, James E. See also Carville V. I have previously argued parts of the case presented in this section.

See R. For an admirable summary of the recent English literature, see Keith Wrightson, English Society, — London, If there is little doubt that the century after the Black Death was a time of relative opportunity for the poor of northwestern Europe because the pressure on land had relaxed and the value of labor had risen, the extent of this opportunity, at least in relation to later North American experience, easily can be exaggerated. Control of land remained elusive for many people, as numerous peasant revolts testify.

Only thirty years after the Black Death in Hertfordshire, peasants revolted against their landlord, the abbot of St. Albans, to obtain more common pasture, bridle paths, and hunting and fishing privileges, demands that were granted under the pressure of a mob then quickly withdrawn. Joan Thirsk Cambridge, , 1— For an example of life in a pastoral village during this period, see D. The rate of population growth declined abruptly after about and, overall, conditions for the poor probably improved slightly before the end of the century.

The labored but essential study of the demographic vital statistics for this period in England is in E. On the importance of stability as well as mobility, see Philip J. Greven Jr. Dodgshon and R. Also R. Malcolmson, Life and Labour in England, — London, , 71—74 and 93— The most comprehensive modern treatment, though far from the easiest to read and increasingly dated, is Harold A. Toronto, Paris, — ; and on the early English fishery, Gillian T. Toronto, ].

See articles on particular groups in Bruce G. Trigger, ed. The basic accounts in English are: Andrew H. In detail the volume of Acadian trade will never be known. As none of those who left accounts of the Acadian settlements make any mention of the prosperity that, for some at least, would have been the likely corollary of a considerable trade, it is still the most plausible inference that Acadian agriculture was primarily subsistent. General accounts are William J.

Cross and Gregory S. Kealey, eds. For example, David T. Daniels, ed. Joseph S. Charles S. Boston, Mass. Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I contain many of the symbols that appear in later English portraits: the eglantine a single white rose , emblematic of chastity; a pillar, symbolizing constancy and fortitude; the sword of justice; the olive of peace; and spring flowers, emblematic of youth, the Golden Age, everlasting calm.

Allan I. July and August, Worcester, Mass. Quimby, ed. See Perry Miller and Thomas H. New York, See Strong, The Elizabethan Image , Even when the reformists were no longer in control, however, the official Anglican position in relation to images reflected the iconoclastic enthusiasm unleashed by the Reformation. Matthieu Coignet, Instruction aux Princes , transl. Edward Hoby, in G. William Ames, The Marrow of Theology , transl. John D. The curators at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, believe that the copy is not the same image as the van der Vliet, Fairbanks and Trent, eds.

New England Begins , II, Justin Winsor, ed. Boston, , I, and illustrations. Millar, Lely , Strong, English Icon , 1; F.

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Dietz, English Government Finance, — Bloomington, Portraiture dominated English art up to the eighteenth century and even later. Quoted by Millar, Lely , 9. Lilly London, circa — From about on in England, when painters began to leave the monasteries where they were employed by monks and became itinerant workers, they took on both the social status and condition of other craftsmen—scribes, servers, goldsmiths, glaziers, etc.

A scribe working on inscriptions in a painted chamber at Westminster received five pence a day. Also see Charles Haskins, The Ancient Trade Guilds and Companies of Salisbury Salisbury, , 59—61 for entry relating to raising money for the great ditch; for subscriptions taken in to send deputations to London, which lists donations of guilds and craftsmen, see N.

Williams, ed. Also see Strong, English Icon , 24—25, 49— Estates of the few painters, stainers, and limners listed were generally quite modest. Farrow, comp. Barton for Norwich Consistory Court. The little we know about the role of the painter in seventeenth-century New England corroborates the craft status we find he held in England. Segar was quoting Scipio. See also Wright, Middle-Class Culture , — Van Dorsten London, , 11, 25, 47; Andrew D.

Joseph R. McElrath, Jr. Robb, eds. The idea that the arts should be used to inspire men to what Dr. I, ; Bk. IV, 9. The Winthrop portrait which Mather discussed was later destroyed by fire. A portrait of Winthrop, presumably taken from life in England, circa , is at the American Antiquarian Society. Boston, , v—vi. Sidney M. Winsor, ed. Endicott of Salem. See William C. Endicott, American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings , Fairbanks and Trent, eds. Letter to the author. The Foster woodcut of Mather is illustrated in Wendy J. See also R.

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Morgan has pointed out the importance placed by the Puritans on maintaining kinship relationships, especially when separations occurred. The Puritan Family , Given the awkward assembling of the head and the rest of the body, I would agree with the nineteenth-century inscription until further evidence is available. The custom of taking portraits from death beds, particularly of youngsters, continued into the eighteenth century: Charles Willson Peale was occasionally asked to do so, and only reluctantly consented. See Miller and Johnson, eds.

Weis, who found a Thomas Smith, mariner, mentioned in Bermuda manuscripts. Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana , Bk. III, Alexander D. Frank R. Holmes, comp. See Frederick C. Memorial History of Boston , I, — From the mid-fourteenth century to the Reformation, alabaster carvings in the form of small panels or figures were produced in various centers in England. Intended as altar pieces, they frequently were made in series narrating incidents in the lives of saints. Norwich churches and the cathedral owned such works. See P. Lasko and N.

Morgan, eds. Suffolk County Probate Office. Strong, English Icon , 37—41; also see ars moriendi files at Warburg Institute Photographic Library, University of London on the numerous 16th and 17th century Italian, Dutch, and English paintings that include the memento mori symbolism. Freeman, English Emblem Books London, Quoted in Beatty, The Craft of Dying , 2—5, , —, Quoted in Marian Smith, ed. Item 8 is found at See W. Ryland, D. Akins and R. Sergeantson, eds. For the problems local feuds caused the ministers of the Dedham classis as well as their willingness to use coercion when mediation failed , see Usher, ed.

The authoritarian, coercive aspects of Puritanism seem curiously absent from New England local studies, especially when one considers the importance assigned the point in the recent English historiography. But cf. Buick Knox, ed. George Selement and Bruce C. Woolley, eds. Forbes et al. For incipient sectarianism at Morley and Woodkirk chapelries in the parish, see Ronald A. James Savage Boston, , I, Robert Cole and Michael E. Moody, eds. Carlson Athens, Ohio, , 78—99; Richard Parkinson, ed.

Samuel Rawson Gardiner, ed. London, ] , Selement and Woolley, eds. Parkinson, ed. London, , 16— Winthrop Papers , I, ; J. Horsfall Turner, ed. Oliver Heywood, B. Webb, I London, , —; Thomas Wright, ed. Brian Manning London, , 91— Another instance, not noted in Manning, may be found in Roger Hayden, ed. The editors unfortunately confuse this John Trumbull with another man of the same name, a cooper who hailed from Newcastle and settled at Roxbury. The tangle is unraveled in J.

London, ] , 10, There is a prudent and well-informed discussion of the social and geographic conditions conducive to religious nonconformity in Spufford, Contrasting Communities , — Hayden, ed. George H. Williams et al. Thomas Robbins Hartford, Conn. Powicke, ed. A number of works deal in whole or in part with Puritan practical divinity, but all are to one extent or another superseded by the recent publication of Charles E. See also Collinson, The Religion of Protestants , — Bownd, The Doctrine of the Sabbath , — the quotation occurs at margin. MSS, , f.

In the course of his ministry at Ashby from to he was suspended on four occasions, spent the years to in prison or in hiding while carrying on clandestine activities , encouraged a bitter factional dispute in the parish, and patronized conventicles of his following. Quoted in Spufford, Contrasting Communities , — I have discussed the crisis of the s and its impact on New England elsewhere.

Hall et al. April , Williams et al. Moran and Maris A. When the latter brought Mitchell the classic complaint of formal knowledge with weak feeling, his solution was familiar in outline—a better organized, more intensive and more integrated spiritual life in place of one practiced in snatches—yet curious in detail, barely mentioning or omitting entirely the ministry, good books, the sabbath or any kind of collective activity besides conferences with a single close friend. Mitchell's letter to his Brother Boston, , 3, 4, 11, 13— For a different account of the restructuring of the New England imagination after , emphasizing the unique and American aspects of the process, see Hambrick-Stowe, The Practice of Piety , — The incidence of public days has been calculated from the table in W.

See also Richard P. The count of fasts and thanksgivings given by Gildrie ibid. I have consequently followed the Love table here rather than the more recent study. John Cotton, God's Promise to his Plantations. London, , 19; Williams et al. English Puritans, however, never systematically identified their nation, even at its most perverse, with Israel of the prophetic period; indeed, on the eve of the great migration an obvious analogy was the day of humiliation in Joshua , with the subsequent sanctification of Israel by the stoning of Achan.

The contemporary parallels were not hard to find. The later title takes its text from Ecclesiastes but makes extensive use of the seventh chapter of Joshua. For this literature and its uses, see Helen C. I have dropped all obvious ghosts from the count, but some spurious titles have undoubtedly crept in anyway, without, however, much altering the general drift of the figures presented in the text. The definition of intellectual and imaginative content is necessarily a bit arbitrary, but these figures do include catechisms, law codes as opposed to individual statutes , and the minority of proclamations with substantial religious commentary.

The omission of all three of these categories would do little except to make the contrast between the earlier and later decades of the seventeenth century more marked still. In the next ten years, —, the equivalent is titles, with the large majority coming from Boston, not Cambridge. The figures are derived from Worthington C. The eighty-four copies—from five separate entries—are of John Fox, Time and the End of Time , a tract by a nonconformist English minister first published in and running to at least an eighth edition by For the author—not to be confused with the Elizabethan martyrologist—see Dictionary of National Biography , s.

They are invoices between John Ive the agent for John Usher and Richard Chiswell and probably represent the entire transactions for a period of just over a year 3 March to 13 April between the most important of the Boston booksellers and the major London wholesaler of books to the colonies. Only twenty-one titles were shipped in lots of 20 or more, and eleven of these are schoolbooks most, like Hoole, in Latin or works of reference.

By there had already been five American editions of the psalms, and there would be another two by , while both Janeway and Fox subsequently went through numerous colonial reprintings. The obvious conclusion would be that the import trade served as a supplement to the products of the domestic presses and not, as is generally supposed, the other way around. For an edition of a 1, copies in , see Worthington C.

Ford, ed. A similarly large edition in may be found at ibid. Other press runs from the first half of the 18th century may be found in Rollo G. Joyce et al. Botein characterizes the book trade before about , p. Ford, The Boston Book Market , 13—14, 83— See also W. II—IV, esp. The definitive account of the conger by Cyprian Blagden is hidden away beneath an understated title as Norma Hodgson and Cyprian Blagden, eds. Evidence for the early activities of Boulter and Chiswell may be found in ibid.


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For Bayly, see Hodgson and Blagden, eds. See ibid. Comparison of the inventory of the stock of the New England bookseller Michael Perry in with those of a few of his counterparts in provincial English cities indicates the fundamental similarity of their operations. In each instance most of the entries are for one or two copies of a moderately expensive title intended for the bibliophiles, while severely practical titles especially school texts and catechisms and religious best sellers occur in somewhat larger quantities. There is, however, a single, highly significant difference: Perry alone did carry a few items in lots of a hundred or even more, all of them printed in New England.

Like his London suppliers, and in this one respect unlike his English provincial equivalents, he was also a significant publisher and judging from some of the domestic titles bearing the imprint of other Boston booksellers a wholesaler. For the conger publication of Tillotson, see Hodgson and Blagden, eds. Printing and Society in Early America , 83— On the other hand, one has only to examine Clifford K. Shipton and James E. Mooney, comp. For some of this literature, see C. See also David D.

Conkin, eds. Using the same sources as in n. A handful of the 54 probably earned a quick American reprint because their topicality precluded waiting for imported copies, and some of the rest may have been out of print in England itself though the well-known deficiencies in the Wing Short Title Catalogue , even in the revised volumes, preclude any very definite conclusions on this point.

Nonetheless, English supplies should have been available for many, perhaps most. Numerous other instances could be adduced without difficulty. Equally, I cannot find any English title in the sources in n. After eliminating known and probable ghosts, Richard Mather is still left with more titles in English bearing a pre New England imprint than any other minister of the founding generation. The early editions of The Day of Doom present a bibliographical tangle.

Cf, Matt B. Brack, Jr. My own hypothesis is that the figure of copies sold used by Wigglesworth refers to both the first edition and a now lost — edition suggested by Brack, and that the latter was probably a reissue of the former with some sheets dropped and others added. The Day of Doom was distinguished by only two things: its ballad form and its near monopoly position in the imaginative life of seventeenth-century New Englanders.

As a matter of fact, there are even English precedents for the use of a ballad to inculcate Protestant dogma: cf. In England, in competition with the titles just described and The Pilgrim's Progress , the work enjoyed only the modest success of three editions in twenty-one years. Their first press run, that is, was exhausted, but there was no market, except in twelve instances, for a second edition. This is not to say that there were not some ultra-practical works of the manual variety available in New England, both by English and native authors including the Mathers.

See Selement and Woolley, eds. Shipton, ed. Roger Sharrock Oxford, , 8. London, , — Frere and C. Douglas, eds. London, , David D. C, , 95; Emil Oberholzer, Jr. William E. The colony of New Plymouth does seem to have been a standing exception to the generalizations made here about grand juries in the late 17th century see below, nn 6, p. But see also J. For the English grand jury in this period, see J. The generalizations presented here are derived from an analysis of the Suffolk and Essex County grand juries for the s, taken from Samuel Eliot Morison, ed.

Dow and Mary G. The observation applies, however, with equal if not greater force to the Connecticut county courts after their creation in and to other small jurisdictions, such as York and Norfolk counties, because the number of jury positions, grand and petit, was so large, and the size of the eligible population so limited, that even with frequent repetition and in the case of Connecticut and York County annual terms, a sizable chunk of the adult male inhabitants had to be recruited as jurors just to keep the courts in operation.

The split jurisdictions in Essex and Norfolk counties had a similar effect. Plymouth, as ever, did things differently, failing to establish county government until , the year before the colony was absorbed into the Dominion of New England. See George D. The correct status of the shield was, unsurprisingly, rarely understood. Although it was a combination of four shields which were arms, the quartered shield itself was not the Arms of Canada but, officially, the Great Seal Deputed of Canada. However after the Royal Warrant had been issued, the design of the Great Seal was changed and the quartered shield design was neither arms, nor seal, but a badge ref.

Increased consumption of refined carbohydrates and the epidemic of type 2 diabetes in the United States: an ecologic assessment Yukon Territory read epub read epub. To commence a proceeding against the Crown, the Attorney General of Canada or any other minister of the Crown, the appropriate documentation must be filed in the Federal Court Registry. Another reason for why air fares are so high in Canada is that the Canadian federal government is notorious for using airports as a cash cow and levying higher-than-average fees and taxes upon airports Vancouver and Victoria : streets and vicinity maps read for free.

While not likely to cause real offence, the learning curve for Canada's political culture can be very steep, and discussions about regional or linguistic politics should also be approached with caution. The report opens with an introduction brom Ben van Beurden, Chief Exuecutive Officer, about the areas that need to be addressed to achieve a low-carbon society.

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