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Is it better for low income communities to be ignored and avoided? If we have the resources to help and we want to do it ethically, what might that help look like? In reality, it looks a lot more like crushing concentrated poverty —and with that comes devastating health outcomes, under-performing schools, increased crime, food deserts and, believe it or not, even higher rates of displacement of the poor than gentrifying neighborhoods. Why should no government, charitable, educational, or other interventions be considered?
And then, of course, there are the aesthetic effects of gentrification: The hipster boutiques and coffee shops.
The Myth of Gentrification
The sanitized chain stores and drive throughs that can make a neighborhood look an awful lot like the suburbs. Some even claim that bike lanes are an early symptom of gentrification , since cycling is perceived to be a favorite mode of transportation for the white, affluent and able-bodied. Anger about the flattening aspects of gentrification run the gamut from fears of cultural erasure to simple aesthetic preference i. The authors of Gentrifier point out the ways in which both types of gentrifiers can be helpful and problematic, and how the aesthetic evolution of a neighborhood is very rarely simple.
At this point, it may not even be productive to try to winnow our way down to the "right" meaning of the term. But the next time you find yourself in a conversation about gentrification, challenge yourself to be a little more precise. Keep talking anyway. Keep working to learn more. They're not building anything that ordinary people can afford.
Urban neighborhoods can appear either stubbornly resistant to change, or prone to sudden, cataclysmic change. A pilot project in Denver aims to help low-income homeowners add accessory dwelling units to their property. For this demographic, gentrification is not so much the result of a return to the inner city but is more of a positive action to remain there. The stereotypical gentrifiers also have shared consumer preferences and favor a largely consumerist culture.
This fuels the rapid expansion of trendy restaurant, shopping, and entertainment spheres that often accompany the gentrification process. An interesting find from research on those who participate and initiate the gentrification process, the "marginal gentrifiers" as referred to by Tim Butler, is that they become marginalized by the expansion of the process. Two important ones are white women, typically single mothers , as well as white gay people who are typically men.
Research shows how one reason wealthy, upper-class individuals and families hold some responsibility in the causation of gentrification due to their social mobility. At the same time, in these urban areas the lower-income population is decreasing due to an increase in the elderly population as well as demographic change. Jackelyn Hwang and Jeffrey Lin prove in their research that another reason for the influx of upper-class individuals to urban areas is due to the "increase in demand for college-educated workers".
Additionally, Darren P. Smith finds through his research that college-educated workers moving into the urban areas causes them to settle there and raise children, which eventually contributes to the cost of education in regards to the migration between urban and suburban places.
Women increasingly obtaining higher education as well as higher paying jobs has increased their participation in the labor force, translating to an expansion of women who have greater opportunities to invest. Smith suggests this group "represents a reservoir of potential gentrifiers. There are also theories that suggest the inner-city lifestyle is important for women with children where the father does not care equally for the child, because of the proximity to professional childcare.
This is often deemed as "marginal gentrification," for the city can offer an easier solution to combining paid and unpaid labor. Inner city concentration increases the efficiency of commodities parents need by minimizing time constraints among multiple jobs, childcare, and markets. Phillip Clay's two-stage model of gentrification places artists as prototypical stage one or "marginal" gentrifiers.
The National Endowment for the Arts did a study that linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of inner city gentrification across a number of U. The identity that residence in the inner city provides is important for the gentrifier, and this is particularly so in the artists' case.
Their cultural emancipation from the bourgeois makes the central city an appealing alternative that distances them from the conformity and mundaneness attributed to suburban life. They are quintessential city people, and the city is often a functional choice as well, for city life has advantages that include connections to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art scene, all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting.
Ley's research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner city life to an artist, that it has, "energy, intensity, hard to specify but hard to do without". Ironically, these attributes that make artists characteristic marginal gentrifiers form the same foundations for their isolation as the gentrification process matures. The later stages of the process generate an influx of more affluent, " yuppie " residents.
As the bohemian character of the community grows, it appeals "not only to committed participants, but also to sporadic consumers,"  and the rising property values that accompany this migration often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that began the movement in the first place. Throughout the s and s, Manhattan lofts in SoHo were converted en masse into housing for artists and hippies, and then their sub-culture's followers. Upper-middle-class professionals, often politically liberal-progressive e.
Wealthier people e. Manuel Castells has researched the role of gay communities, especially in San Francisco , as early gentrifiers. To counter the gentrification of their mixed-populace communities, there are cases where residents formally organized themselves to develop the necessary socio-political strategies required to retain local affordable housing. The gentrification of a mixed-income community raises housing affordability to the fore of the community's politics. Inclusionary zoning is a new social concept in English speaking countries; there are few reports qualifying its effective or ineffective limitation of gentrification in the English literature.
The basis of inclusionary zoning is partial replacement as opposed to displacement of the embedded communities. In Los Angeles, California, inclusionary zoning apparently accelerated gentrification, as older, unprofitable buildings were razed and replaced with mostly high-rent housing, and a small percentage of affordable housing; the net result was less affordable housing. The German approach uses en milieu conservation municipal law , e. The concepts of socially aware renovation and zoning of Bologna 's old city in was used as role model in the Charta of Bologna, and recognized by the Council of Europe.
Economists are mostly uncertain or opposed to government anti gentrification measures. When wealthy people move into low-income working-class neighborhoods, the resulting class conflict sometimes involves vandalism and arson targeting the property of the gentrifiers. During the dot-com boom of the late s, the gentrification of San Francisco's predominantly working class Mission District led some long-term neighborhood residents to create what they called the "Mission Yuppie Eradication Project".
Their activities drew hostile responses from the San Francisco Police Department , real estate interests, and "work-within-the-system" housing activists. They were formed in response to the housing crisis precipitated by large numbers of second homes being bought by the English which had increased house prices beyond the means of many locals. The group were responsible for setting fire to English -owned holiday homes in Wales from to the mids. Within the next ten years, some properties were damaged by the campaign. In there was a movement that protested an influx of Swabians to Berlin who were deemed as gentrification drivers.
Zoning ordinances and other urban planning tools can be used to recognize and support local business and industries.
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This can include requiring developers to continue with a current commercial tenant or offering development incentives for keeping existing businesses, as well as creating and maintaining industrial zones. Designing zoning to allow new housing near to a commercial corridor but not on top of it increases foot traffic to local businesses without redeveloping them. Businesses can become more stable by securing long-term commercial leases. Although developers may recognize value in responding to living patterns, extensive zoning policies often prevent affordable homes from being constructed within urban development.
Due to urban density restrictions, rezoning for residential development within urban living areas is difficult, which forces the builder and the market into urban sprawl and propagates the energy inefficiencies that come with distance from urban centers. In a recent example of restrictive urban zoning requirements, Arcadia Development Co. With limitations established in the interest of public welfare, a density restriction was applied solely to Arcadia Development Co. Because land speculation tends to cause volatility in property values, removing real estate houses, buildings, land from the open market freezes property values, and thereby prevents the economic eviction of the community's poorer residents.
The most common, formal legal mechanism for such stability in English speaking countries is the community land trust ; moreover, many inclusionary zoning ordinances formally place the "inclusionary" housing units in a land trust. German municipalities and other cooperative actors have and maintain strong roles on the real estate markets in their realm. In jurisdictions where local or national government has these powers, there may be rent control regulations. Rent control restricts the rent that can be charged, so that incumbent tenants are not forced out by rising rents.
If applicable to private landlords, it is a disincentive to speculating with property values, reduces the incidence of dwellings left empty, and limits availability of housing for new residents. If the law does not restrict the rent charged for dwellings that come onto the rental market formerly owner-occupied or new build , rents in an area can still increase.
The cities of southwestern Santa Monica and eastern West Hollywood in California , United States gentrified despite—or perhaps, because of—rent control. Occasionally, a housing black market develops, wherein landlords withdraw houses and apartments from the market, making them available only upon payment of additional key money , fees, or bribes—thus undermining the rent control law. Many such laws allow "vacancy decontrol", releasing a dwelling from rent control upon the tenant's leaving—resulting in steady losses of rent-controlled housing, ultimately rendering rent control laws ineffective in communities with a high rate of resident turnover.
In other cases social housing owned by local authorities may be sold to tenants and then sold on. Vacancy decontrol encourages landlords to find ways of shortening their residents' tenure, most aggressively through landlord harassment. To strengthen the rent control laws of New York City , housing advocates active in rent control in New York are attempting to repeal the vacancy decontrol clauses of rent control laws.
The state of Massachusetts abolished rent control in ; afterwards, rents rose, accelerating the pace of Boston 's gentrification; however, the laws protected few apartments, and confounding factors, such as a strong economy, had already been raising housing and rental prices. Gentrification is not a new phenomenon in Britain; in ancient Rome the shop-free forum was developed during the Roman Republican period, and in 2nd- and 3rd-century cities in Roman Britain there is evidence of small shops being replaced by large villas.
In the post war era, upwardly mobile social classes tended to leave the city. King's College London academic Loretta Lees reported that much of Inner London was undergoing "super-gentrification", where "a new group of super-wealthy professionals, working in the City of London [i. Super-gentrification is quite different from the classical version of gentrification. It's of a higher economic order; you need a much higher salary and bonuses to live in Barnsbury " some two miles north of central London. Barnsbury was built around , as a middle-class neighbourhood, but after the Second World War — , many people moved to the suburbs.
The upper and middle classes were fleeing from the working class residents of London; the modern railway allowed it. At the war's end, the great housing demand rendered Barnsbury a place of cheap housing, where most people shared accommodation. In the late s and early s, people moving into the area had to finance house renovations with their money, because banks rarely financed loans for Barnsbury. As a result, the principal population influx occurred between and ; the UK Census reports that "between the years of and , owner-occupation increased from 7 to 19 per cent, furnished rentals declined from 14 to 7 per cent, and unfurnished rentals declined from 61 to 6 per cent";  another example of urban gentrification is the super-gentrification, in the s, of the neighboring working-class London Borough of Islington , where Prime Minister Tony Blair moved upon his election in By the end of the s, conversions were the single largest source of new dwellings in London.
By the s, investors in Toronto started buying up city houses, turning them into temporary rooming houses to make rental income until the desired price in the housing market for selling off the properties was reached so that the rooming houses could be replaced with high income-oriented new housing , a gentrification process called "blockbusting. As of [update] , gentrification in Canada has proceeded quickly in older and denser cities such as Montreal , Toronto , Ottawa , Hamilton and Vancouver , but has barely begun in places such as Calgary, Edmonton, or Winnipeg, where suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth.
Canada's unique history and official multiculturalism policy has resulted in a different strain of gentrification than that of the United States. Some gentrification in Toronto has been sparked by the efforts of business improvement associations to market the ethnic communities in which they operate, such as in Corso Italia and Greektown. In Quebec City. The Saint Roch district in the city's lower town was previously predominantly working class and had gone through a period of decline.
However, since the early to mid 's, the area has seen the derelict buildings turned into condos and the opening of bars, restaurants and cafes, attracting young professionals into the area, but kicking out the residents from many generations back. Several software developers and gaming companies, such as Ubisoft and Beenox have also opened offices there. In Paris, most poor neighborhoods in the east have seen rising prices and the arrival of many wealthy residents.
However, the process is mitigated by social housing and most cities tend to favor a "social mix"; that is, having both low and high-income residents in the same neighborhoods. But in practice, social housing does not cater to the poorest segment of the population; most residents of social dwellings are from the low-end of the middle class. As a result, a lot of poor people have been forced to go first to the close suburbs to and then more and more to remote "periurban areas" where public transport is almost nonexistent. A lot of high-profile companies offering well-paid jobs have moved near Saint-Denis and new real-estate programs are underway to provide living areas close to the new jobs.
On the other side, the eviction of the poorest people to periurban areas since has been analyzed as the main cause for the rising political far-right national front. When the poor lived in the close suburbs, their problems were very visible to the wealthy population. But the periurban population and its problem is mainly "invisible" from recent [ when? These people have labelled themselves "les invisibles". Many of them fled both rising costs in Paris and nearby suburbs with an insecure and ugly environment to live in small houses in the countryside but close to the city. But they did not factor in the huge financial and human cost of having up to four hours of transportation every day.
Since then, a lot has been invested in the close suburbs with new public transports set to open and urban renewal programs they fled, but almost nobody cares of these "invisible" plots of land. Since the close suburbs are now mostly inhabited by immigrants, these people have a strong resentment against immigration: They feel everything is done for new immigrants but nothing for the native French population. These communities have been disrupted by the arrival of new people and already suffered of high unemployment due to the dwindling numbers of industrial jobs.
In smaller cities, the suburbs are still the principal place where people live and the center is more and more akin to a commercial estate where a lot of commercial activities take place but where few people live. Gentrification in South Africa has been categorized into two waves for two different periods of time. Visser and Kotze find that the first wave occurred in the s to the Post-Apartheid period, the second wave occurred during and after the s.
One view which Atkinson uses is that gentrification is purely the reflection of middle-class values on to a working-class neighborhood. Furthermore, the authors note that the pre-conditions for gentrification where events like Tertiary Decentralization suburbanization of the service industry and Capital Flight disinvestment were occurring, which caused scholars to ignore the subject of gentrification due to the normality of the process. Generally, Atkinson observes that when looking at scholarly discourse for the gentrification and rapid urbanization of South Africa, the main focus is not on the smaller towns of South Africa.
This is a large issue because small towns are magnets for poorer people and repellants for skilled people. Also as previously mentioned, Atkinson finds that this area has shown signs of gentrification. This is due to redevelopment which indicates clearly the reflection of middle-class values. Then, by surveying the recent newcomers to the area, Atkinson's research found that there is confidence for local economic growth which further indicated shifts to middle-class values, therefore, gentrification.
This gentrification of the area would then negative impact the poorer demographics where the increase in housing would displace and exclude them from receiving benefits. In conclusion, after studying the small town of Aberdeen, Atkinson finds that "Paradoxically, it is possible that gentrification could promote economic growth and employment while simultaneously increasing class inequality.
Historically, Garside notes that due to the Apartheid, the inner cities of Cape Town was cleared of non-white communities. But because of the Group Areas Act , some certain locations were controlled for such communities. Specifically, Woodstock has been a racially mixed community with a compilation of British settlers , Afrikaners , Eastern European Jews , Portuguese immigrants from Angola and Mozambique , and the colored Capetonians. For generations, these groups lived in this area characterizing it be a working-class neighborhood.
Then this progression continues to which Garside finds that an exaggeration as more middle-income groups moved into the area. This emigration resulted in a distinct split between Upper Woodstock and Lower Woodstock. Coupled with the emergence of a strong middle-class in South Africa, Woodstock became a destination for convenience and growth. While Upper Woodstock was a predominantly white area, Lower Woodstock then received the attention of the mixed middle-income community.
This increase in demand for housing gave landlords incentives to raise prices to profit off of the growing wealth in the area. It has traditionally been occupied by members of South Africa's minority, mainly Muslim, Cape Malay community. These descendants of artisans and political captives, brought to the Cape as early as the 18th century as slaves and indentured workers, were housed in small barrack-like abodes on what used to be the outskirts of town.
As the city limits increased, property in the Bo-Kaap became very sought after, not only for its location but also for its picturesque cobble-streets and narrow avenues. Increasingly, this close-knit community is "facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap up homes in the City Bowl at cut-rate prices". In another specific case, Millstein and Teppo discovered that working-class residents would become embattled with their landlords.
On Gympie Street, which has been labeled as the most dangerous street in Cape Town, it was home to many of the working-class. But as gentrification occurred, landlords brought along tactics to evict low-paying tenants through non-payment clauses. One landlord who bought a building cheaply from an auction, immediately raised the rental price which would then proceed to court for evictions.
But, the tenants were able to group together to make a strong case to win. Regardless of the outcome, the landlord resorted to turning off both power and water in the building. The tenants then were exhausted out of motivation to fight. One tenant described it as similar to living in a shack which would be the future living space one displaced. To put it succinctly, the authors state, "The end results are the same in both cases: in the aftermath of the South African negotiated revolution, the elite colonize the urban areas from those who are less privileged, claiming the city for themselves.
In Italy , similarly to other countries around the world, the phenomenon of gentrification is proceeding in the largest cities, such as Milan , Turin , Genoa and Rome. In Milan, gentrification is changing the look of some semi-central neighborhoods, just outside the inner ring road called Cerchia dei Bastioni , particularly of former working class and industrial areas.
One of the most well known cases is the neighborhood of Isola. Despite its position, this area has been for a long time considered as a suburb since it has been an isolated part of the city, due to the physical barriers such as the railways and the Naviglio Martesana. In the s, a new business district was built not far from this area, but Isola remained a distant and low-class area. In the s vigorous efforts to make Isola as a symbolic place of the Milan of the future were carried out and, with this aim, the Porta Garibaldi-Isola districts became attractors for stylists and artists. Another semi-central district that has undergone this phenomenon in Milan is Zona Tortona.
Former industrial area situated behind Porta Genova station , Zona Tortona is nowadays the mecca of Italian design and annually hosts some of the most important events of the Fuorisalone during which more than expositors, such as Superstudio , take part. Going towards the outskirts of the city, other gentrified areas of Milan are Lambrate-Ventura where others events of the Fuorisalone are hosted ,  Bicocca and Bovisa in which universities have contributed to the gentrification of the areas , Sesto San Giovanni , Via Sammartini, and the so-called NoLo district which means Nord di Loreto.
The reason of this is both de-industrialisation and poor condition of residential areas. Moreover, vast majority of industrial and housing facilities had been constructed in the late 19th century and the renovation was neglected after WWII. Nowadays the Polish government has started National Revitalization Plan  which ensures financial support to municipal gentrification programs.
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- 2. Development.
Central Moscow rapidly gentrified following the change from the Communist central-planning policies of the Soviet era to the market economy and pro-development policies of the post-Soviet Russian government. From a market standpoint, there are two main requirements that are met by the U. These are: an excess supply of deteriorated housing in central areas, as well as a considerable growth in the availability of professional jobs located in central business districts. These conditions have been met in the U. There have been three chronological waves of gentrification in the U.
The first wave came in the s and early s, led by governments trying to reduce the disinvestment that was taking place in inner-city urban areas. However, the market forces that are dictated by an excess supply cannot fully explain the geographical specificity of gentrification in the U. The missing link is another factor that can be explained by particular, necessary demand forces. The s brought the more "widespread" second wave of gentrification, and was sometimes linked to the development of artist communities like SoHo in New York City.
In the U. The post- World War II economy experienced a service revolution, which created white-collar jobs and larger opportunities for women in the work force, as well as an expansion in the importance of centralized administrative and cooperate activities. This increased the demand for inner city residences, which were readily available cheaply after much of the movement towards central city abandonment of the s.
The coupling of these movements is what became the trigger for the expansive gentrification of U. Louis , and Washington, D. The third wave of gentrification occurred in most major cities in the late s and was driven by large-scale developments, public-private partnerships, and government policies.
Gentrification in Atlanta has been taking place in its inner-city neighborhoods since the s. Many of Atlanta's neighborhoods experienced the urban flight that affected other major American cities in the 20th century, causing the decline of once upper and upper-middle-class east side neighborhoods. In the s, after neighborhood opposition blocked two freeways from being built through the east side, its neighborhoods such as Inman Park and Virginia-Highland became the starting point for the city's gentrification wave, first becoming affordable neighborhoods attracting young people, and by having become relatively affluent areas attracting people from across Metro Atlanta to their upscale shops and restaurants.
‘We are building our way to hell’: tales of gentrification around the world | Cities | The Guardian
In the s and s, gentrification expanded into other parts of Atlanta, spreading throughout the historic streetcar suburbs east of Downtown and Midtown, mostly areas that had long had black majorities such as the Old Fourth Ward , Kirkwood , Reynoldstown and Edgewood. On the western side of the city, once-industrial West Midtown became a vibrant neighborhood full of residential lofts and a nexus of the arts, restaurants, and home furnishings. Gentrification by young African Americans was also taking place in the s in southwest Atlanta neighborhoods.
Concerns about displacement of existing working-class black residents by increasing numbers of more affluent whites moving in are expressed by author Nathan McCall in his novel Them ,  in The Atlanta Progressive News ,  and in the documentary The Atlanta Way.
How Machine Learning and AI Can Predict Gentrification
The city of Boston has seen several neighborhoods undergo significant periods of urban renewal, specifically during the s to the s. Called "turbo-gentrification" by sociologist Alan Wolfe, particular areas of study of the process have been done in South End, Bay Village, and West Cambridge. In Boston's North End , the removal of the noisy Central Artery elevated highway attracted younger, more affluent new residents, in place of the traditional Italian immigrant culture. In the early s, Boston's South End had a great many characteristics of a neighborhood that is prime for gentrification.
The available housing was architecturally sound and unique row houses in a location with high accessibility to urban transport services, while surrounded by small squares and parks. A majority of the area had also been designated a National Historic District. The South End became deteriorated by the s. Many of the row houses had been converted to cheap apartments, and the neighborhood was plagued by dominant, visible poverty. The majority of the residents were working-class individuals and families with a significant need for public housing and other social services.
The situation was recognized by local governments as unfavorable, and in became the target of an urban renewal effort of the city. The construction of the Prudential Tower complex that was finished in along the northwest border of South End was a spark for this urban-renewal effort and the gentrification process for the area that surrounded it.
The complex increased job availability in the area, and the cheap housing stock of South End began to attract a new wave of residents. Unfortunately, tension characterized the relationship between these new residents and the previous residents of the neighborhood. Clashes in the vision for the area's future was the main source of conflict. The previous, poorer residents, contended that "renewal" should focus on bettering the plight of South End's poor, while new, middle-class residents heavily favored private market investment opportunities and shunned efforts such as subsidized housing with the belief that they would flood the market and raise personal security concerns.
The late s was a transition for the area from primarily families with children as residents to a population dominated by both retired residents and transient renters. The 2—3 story brick row houses were largely converted to low-cost lodging houses, and the neighborhood came to be described as "blighted" and "down at heel". This deterioration was largely blamed on the transient population. The year began the upgrading of what was to become Bay Village , and these changes were mainly attributed to new artists and gay men moving to the area.
These "marginal" gentrifiers made significant efforts towards superficial beautification as well as rehabilitation of their new homes, setting the stage for realtors to promote the rising value of the area. The majority of them were highly educated and moving from a previous residence in the city, suggesting ties to an urban-based educational institution. The reasons new homebuyers gave for their choice of residence in Bay Village was largely attributed to its proximity to downtown, as well as an appreciation for city life over that of suburbia Pattison The development and gentrification of West Cambridge began in as the resident population began to shift away from the traditional majority of working class Irish immigrants.
The period of — had large shifts in homebuyer demographics comparable to that experienced by Bay Village. Residents reported a visible lack of social ties between new homebuyers and the original residents. However, displacement was not cited as a problem because the primary reason of housing sale remained the death of the sole-surviving member of the household or the death of a spouse.
Researcher Timothy Pattison divided the gentrification process of West Cambridge into two main stages. Stage one began with various architects and architectural students who were attracted to the affordability of the neighborhood. The renovations efforts these "marginal" gentrifiers undertook seemed to spark a new interest in the area, perhaps as word of the cheap land spread to the wider student community.
The Peabody Schools also served as an enticing factor for the new gentrifiers for both stages of new homebuyers. Stage two of the process brought more architects to the area as well as non-architect professionals, often employed at a university institution. The buyers in stage two cited Peabody schools and the socioeconomic mix of the neighborhood as primary reasons for their residential choice, as well as a desire to avoid job commutes and a disenchantment with the suburban life. Chicago 's gentrification rate was reported to be Gentrification Amid Urban Decline: Strategies for America's Older Cities , by Michael Lang, reports the process and impact social, economic, cultural of gentrification.
That part of Darien Street was a "back street", because it does not connect to any of the city's main arteries and was unpaved for most of its existence. In its early days, this area of Darien Street housed only Italian families; however, after the Second World War — , when the municipal government spoke of building a cross-town highway, the families moved out. Most of the houses date from built for the artisans and craftsmen who worked and lived in the area , but, when the Italian Americans moved out, the community's low-rent houses went to poor African American families. Moreover, by the early s, blighted Darien Street was at its lowest point as a community, because the houses held little property value , many were abandoned, having broken heaters and collapsed roofs, et cetera.
Despite the decay, Darien Street remained charmed with European echoes, each house was architecturally different, contributing to the street's community character; children were safe, there was no car traffic. The closeness of the houses generated a closely knit community located just to the south of Center City , an inexpensive residential neighborhood a short distance from the city-life amenities of Philadelphia; the city government did not hesitate to rehabilitate it.
The gentrification began in ; the first house rehabilitated was a corner property that a school teacher re-modeled and occupied. The next years featured mostly white middle-class men moving into the abandoned houses; the first displacement of original Darien Street residents occurred in Two years later, five of seven families had been economically evicted with inflated housing prices; the two remaining families were renters, expecting eventual displacement.
In five years, from to , the gentrification of Darien Street reduced the original population from seven black households and one white household, to two black households and eleven white households. Of the five black households displaced, three found better houses within two blocks of their original residence, one family left Pennsylvania, and one family moved into a public housing apartment building five blocks from Darien Street. The principal detriment was residential displacement via higher priced housing. Gentrification in Washington, D. The process in the U Street Corridor and other downtown areas has recently become a major issue, and the resulting changes have led to African-Americans dropping from a majority to a minority of the population, as they move out and middle-class whites and Asians have moved in.
Washington is one of the top three cities with the most pronounced capital flow into its "core" neighborhoods, a measurement that has been used to detect areas experiencing gentrification. Researcher Franklin James found that, of these core areas, Capitol Hill was significantly revitalized during the decade of —, and by the end of the decade this revitalization had extended outward in a ring around this core area.
The gentrification during this time period resulted in a significant problem of displacement for marginalized city residents in the s. As a result of gentrification, however, Washington's safety has improved drastically. Prince George's County saw a huge spark of violent crimes in and , but the rate has decreased since then.
A major driver of gentrification in Bay Area cities such as San Francisco has been attributed with the Dot-Com Boom in the s, creating a strong demand for skilled tech workers from local startups and nearby Silicon Valley businesses leading to rising standards of living. From to , 18, African Americans left San Francisco, while the White, Asian, and Hispanic populations saw growth in the city.
The people who left the city were more likely to be nonwhite, have lower education levels, and have lower incomes than their counterparts who moved into the city. In addition, there was a net annual migration of 7, people age 35 or under, and net out migration of over 5, for people 36 or over. The rich moving in and the poor moving out?
Hard as it is to believe, however, New York and other cities in the American Northeast are beginning to enjoy a revival as they undergo a gradual process known by the curious name of 'gentrification' term coined by the displaced English poor and subsequently adopted by urban experts to describe the movements of social classes in and around London.
New York City is a common example of gentrification, especially when it comes to discussions about rising rents and low-income residents moving out. In , Lance Freeman and Frank Braconi of Columbia University found that low-income residents are actually less likely to move out of a neighborhood that had the "typical hallmarks" of gentrification than one that did not. Because of how widespread the disease was, many homes and apartments were left unoccupied after the tenants died, leaving room for gentrification to occur.
This movement has members and 95 building communities. News of these protests reached England, Scotland, France and Spain. MJB made a call to action that everyone, internationally, should fight against gentrification. While events like Brexit and new transit infrastructure projects may alter the course of gentrification, it appears that tools like machine learning can help us understand not only why gentrification has occurred in the past, but also where it is most likely to occur in the future.
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