Mao’s China and the Sino-Soviet Split: Ideological Dilemma (Routledge Contemporary China Series)
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Walt perceives the international system as inherently anarchic and as a result he perceives states, who as a consequence feel insecure, as constantly striving to minimise threats. On a bilateral level, this sentiment is clearly demonstrated in Sino-Vietnamese relations and better explains Chinese behaviour after US defeat in Indochina. Thus the fall of Saigon in , rather than posing an immediate threat, was actually huge relief for the Chinese. It brought to a close years of war waged on their border and the drain of such a resource-needy ally. This was not empty rhetoric; material backup came in multiple forms, including active personnel who made a palpable difference to the war effort.
This history was not forgotten by the Chinese upon the cessation of war, despite Soviet-Vietnamese interaction, and they expected that it would not be by the Vietnamese either. There was a very real expectation in fact that after their monumental efforts, the expressions of gratitude and deference toward China that Vietnamese leaders expressed throughout the war would continue Womack, It is within this context, as shared victor in an almighty defeat, that China finally felt able to reduce its aid to Vietnam in and address its own internal poverty and deprivation.
We are the poorest. The Chinese confidence to deny Vietnam demonstrates that the assumption of security was not just based on rationalist calculations but also preferences, norms and ideas.
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This essay therefore disagrees with the neorealist commentators that the continued influence of the USSR in Vietnam after the US defeat constituted the immediate cessation of the Sino-Vietnamese alliance. The relationship endured long enough for the Chinese to feel comfortable to reduce aid. The concepts of asymmetry, the politics of inattention and under attention are useful for understanding the origins of the systemic misconception that occurred from the end of In The Politics of Asymmetry , Womack illustrates the relationship between relative capacities and their characteristic perspective, suggesting that the larger state will likely have a number of other external concerns that are of equal or greater importance than the smaller state.
This is likely to lead to a corresponding difference in the amount of energy expended on the relationship. Asymmetric power theory posits that the most treacherous time for these alliances is when they must be constructed or re-constructed in a new context Womack, The subsequent battle over Vietnamese treatment of Overseas Chinese eradicated any remaining pretense of civility. Westad argues that the Chinese saw this affair as indicative of aggressive Vietnamese intent toward China.
According to Beijing, Hanoi committed in excess of 2, border violations between and It is this pent-up anger and sense of betrayal that burst the flood-banks upon the invasion of Kampuchea, which motivated the subsequent Chinese military invasion of Vietnam in February As a form of communication and if effective, coercion , it warns the recipient state State B of the danger of escalation in response to any further provocation of the perpetrator of diplomatic anger State A.
Consistent with the logic of appropriateness, the inference of diplomatic anger is that State A believes redress and recompense from State B are necessary in order to move forward Shepherd, 7. In the diplomacy of anger, appropriate behaviour is privileged over materialist utility-maximising behaviour. Emotions underly the calculations of action and may make a certain action more or less likely than in an emotion-less context. This identity is defined most simply as the state of resembling some actors while differentiating yourself from others Chafetz, G.
This self-schema of similarity and difference is made up of a number of categorised memberships, some social e. For example, the hostile polemic generated by the Hoa Refugee crisis in on behalf of the Chinese reignited the feelings of shock and anger upon the commencement of border attacks by the Vietnamese at the end of A conversation between Hua Guofeng and Polpot in September , in which Hua explains that the world was divided into three blocs shows that the doctrine outlived Mao and the CCP continued to define their action through it Goscha, Crucially they saw this not as a form of hegemony they espoused against, but as a natural relationship, couching it in familial terms.
In conclusion, this essay has not attempted to dethrone the national interest as the primary explanatory vehicle in bringing alliances to a close. An, J. Social Sciences in China , 34 1 , pp.
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Chafetz, G. The Origins of N ational Interests Vol. Psychology Press. Chen, J. University of North Carolina Press. Dittmer, L. University of Washington Press. Goscha, C. Vietnam, the third Indochina war and the meltdown of Asian internationalism. Hall, T. We will not swallow this bitter fruit: Theorizing a diplomacy of anger. Security Studies , 20 4 , pp. Horesh, N. Hymans, J. The Psychology of Nuclear Proliferation: Identity, emotions and foreign policy. Cambridge University Press.
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