Culture Wars: To Discipline the Devils Regions
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See also P. Golden ed. Candidate Number: Elgin was not the only parish to take this stance concerning charming. In the same presbytery, in the parish of Cullen, Marjorie Pulmer, was alleged to have taken part in an eclectic mix of divination and folk-healing, whereby her sick son was placed in the middle of two graves: one was called the living grave, the other the death grave.
If the boy faced the living grave he would live, if the reverse happened he would die. Rather, the local sessions in Elgin and Cullen considered such minor actions as a form of popular or folk paganism that did not require physical eradication. It was individual behaviour rather than demonic collaboration that was the concern in these two cases.
Even when reference to the demonic in pre-trial evidence was more explicit, this did not automatically lead to an extreme form of godly discipline from the Kirk. A trial from the Presbytery of Brechin is a case-in-point. Current studies which examine the panic, like those undertaken by Macdonald and Hughes, show that any reference to the demonic would normally lead to an extreme form of godly discipline: eradication of the witch through execution or, at the very least, a petition for trial signifying a move towards that end. This is hardly an anomaly. On the 14th September in the parish of Kilbarchan, Renfrewshire, Mauld Gauld was accused of witchcraft and investigated by the kirk session.
The kirk session, despite charging Mauld formally with witchcraft and appearing interested in pursuing the case further on multiple occasions, show no record of any further action. The kirk sessions were not focused on one single aspect of witchcraft, as was the case with those in central regions which subscribed to the continental idea of godly discipline, with its focus on the stereotypically demonic.
To be examined in chapter three. For now, refer to: RPCS, pp. Candidate Number: Even during serial witch-hunts, where extreme forms of godly discipline dominated, kirk sessions considered this pastoral dimension. Macdonald, in his study of Fife, discussed how seemingly small-scale cases of charming and unorthodox practices could quickly evolve into a large-scale witch-hunt, which encouraged a very formulaic type of godly discipline centred on the demonic and the eradication of witchcraft threatening the covenanted nation.
The witch-hunt spread into the neighbouring parish of Arberdour and then into Inverkeithing. In total over twenty people were accused between April and June Marion Cunningham was originally being investigated for slander. Henderson ed. Candidate Number: What is striking about all of these cases are their essentially religious nature. There is nothing even remotely demonic about them. Rather, they seem expressions of popular or folk Christianity, even survivals from practices which pre-date the Reformation, and in the eyes of the kirk sessions, such prayers were considered suspect enough.
Larner was therefore correct in saying that witches were enemies of God, but they were one of many forms. And it was not only demonic theory or supposed alliance with Satan which made the witch an enemy. This will be built upon further in chapters two and three. Broadly, the chapter has contributed to the growing literature on moral discipline which has identified its place within a broader system of enforcement, focused on regulating spiritual behaviour as opposed to an interest in eradication.
Whilst these two concepts have focused on aspects other than witchcraft, I have demonstrated that even within the confines of magic, sorcery and witchcraft, discipline was undergoing more nuanced debate than has been recognised during , as evident in the regional contrasts between central and peripheral, continental and pastoral views on godly discipline, and the outcomes between spiritual regulation and physical eradication.
Candidate Number: Chapter Two: In Search of the Devil: Differing Descriptions of the Devil, the Demonic Pact and His Relationship with Witches The Devil was considered by the Covenanting regime throughout the witch-hunt to be an overtly active threat against the order of God: the new Witchcraft Act of included those who consulted devils and spirits punishable by death; and cases of demonic witchcraft rose sharply compared to earlier panics. However, in the idea of the covenanted state took on a new form as the Covenanters saw the Devil as the ultimate threat against it. As such, there was certainly a clear and unified message from the top about the need to hunt the Devil.
Christina Larner argued that the central position of the Old Testament concept of the covenanted people in Scottish political thought gave the inversion of a covenant with Satan a power and intensity not to be found under other regimes outside Mitchell and J. See: J. Candidate Number: pact was even more significant as not only did it represent an inversion of Christianity, but it also represented a complete inversion and betrayal of the covenant with God, which therefore represented an even more significant and unified threat against the efforts to create a godly society.
The aim of this chapter is to take this standard ecclesiastical stereotype of the Devil — found in central regions — and compare it to other descriptions found in confession and indictment records from more peripheral regions. Much work has been done on the demonic pact, yet more work needs to be done on examining how these components played out in the abnormal religious climate of I suggest that ideas of a powerful and overwhelming Satan, threatening the covenanted state, played a far greater role in shaping and 67 P.
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Candidate Number: embedding continental ideas in central regions than has so far been suggested. I argue that in many of the central examples which describe the Devil as cruel or overwhelming, consent was far more unclear than just the witch agreeing out of her own volition. Rather, the witch is forced into submission, and then eventually agrees to the pact.
Such an inversion of accepted theology suggests how continental ideas trickle down and transmute into Scottish peculiarities and then become regionalised. In addition, this chapter will argue that the message and idea of an overtly active, overwhelming and cruel Devil — as emphasised by the Covenanting regime — was not as widespread as the historiography has presented, but rather was contained in central regions, whereas ideas and descriptions of the Devil found in confession records from peripheral regions conform to, as outlined in chapter one, pastoral concepts, with the Devil being described in relation to various eclectic contexts linking him to feasting, dancing or folk-healing.
Thus, this chapter explores two variants of the Devil: the active, physical one; and the passive alternative. Finally, it suggests, in light of these regional variations and contrasts in demonology, a dilution of religious Covenanting influence among local kirk session elders and clergy, complementing the contrasts in godly discipline discussed in chapter one. Areas around Edinburgh and East Lothian experienced the heaviest rates of prosecution.
Within these regions, Haddington, dealt with a large number of confessions and accusations which described the cruelty of the Devil in vivid detail. This is further reinforced by the fact she claimed she had been in service to the Devil for twenty- six years previously. Rather, Satan is described to be very active in trying to force the witch to agree, going to extreme and, in some cases, violent lengths. Candidate Number: a greater apocalyptic power and intensity not to be found outside , suggests that while many witches would eventually agree to the pact, she would ultimately be forced to agree through submission.
The demonic encounter in all cases from Haddington, Peebles and Corstrophine relates to a continental idea of a cruel and overwhelming Devil, threating the sanctity of the Scottish covenant with God. Nearly all describe the Devil as a man wearing black. These examples from the Central Lowland regions are in keeping with the symptomatic and uniform elements described in the historiography, albeit, in this instance, with a particular focus on the active agency and forcefulness of the Devil.
Many describe the Devil in pastoral or folkloric ways; some cases describe Satan as almost ordinary. For instance, on the 8th July at Eyemouth in the presbytery of Chirnside, Helen Taylor confessed the crime of witchcraft to the kirk session, after hearing her minister preach. Candidate Number: sexual encounter. From the outset we begin to see how continental ideas did not become embedded in all communities during In the parish of Montrose, in the Presbytery of Brechin, Catharin Lyell confessed to the crime of witchcraft and making a pact with the Devil in April Macdonald claimed that kirk sessions in areas such as Inverkeithing focused on the demonic, as emphasised by the type of active and overwhelming Devil described in confessions, as well as the questions put to the accused witches, which concentrated on the number of demonic meetings attended; however, in Brechin, overall attention is placed on the witch as an individual causing harm.
Hardly any attention is placed on demonic involvement. The Kirk called up witnesses to testify against her. Firstly, Marion Millar, being sworn, stated that she heard Margaret Finlasoune curse and ban Robert Paterson and his wife, and bid the Devil would grind the said Robert as small as gun powder among the mill wheels. It is certainly a form of demon, although it was hardly recognisable. This raises an important variation between central regions studied by Hughes and Macdonald, and descriptions from peripheral regions: in all these cases the Devil appears less as a menacing threat and more as a background or advisory entity.
Closer attention is placed on the witch as an individual, not the covenant with Satan.
Lysander and the Devil - Persée
Therefore, not only is he less visibly menacing and 90 Ibid. Reference to the demonic pact is equally lacking. No follow up concerns in any of the cases about demonic conspiracies and meetings. Clearly, it is uncertain from just the confession and deposition records alone how these narratives were formed, yet from the eclectic mix of details about how the Devil was described above and from the lack of conformity in descriptions of the pact and the Devil, suggests that questions put forward to witches by kirk sessions were not concentrated on uncovering demonic threats.
A quantitative examination of the cases from the Central Lowland area of Haddington, Peebles and the peripheral regions further supports my argument that regional variations in descriptions between central and peripheral regions exists. As such, the passive, almost ordinary, variant of the Devil described in the examples above was not contained to peripheral regions, but featured in the Central Lowlands — although to a lesser extent. Cases taken from the peripheral regions examined, show a somewhat different picture.
Out of the nine cases of demonic witchcraft only one describe the Devil as active, the rest confirm what the few examples above from Brechin, Eyemouth and Renfrew highlight: that the ordinary, passive variant of the Devil was predominantly and more frequently cited in peripheral regions further away from the Central Lowlands. Whilst these two descriptions, as outlined, are suggestive of certain differences, nonetheless, this is not to propose that a dichotomy exists between the two but rather a more nuanced idea of the Scottish Devil in the context of the witch-hunt, and the ongoing debate within ideas about godly discipline.
The stereotypical and overtly active Devil, as presented in the historiography was certainly to be found in the Central Lowlands. In more peripheral regions, outside the main area of witch-hunting, the Devil is described in a more mundane, pastoral fashion which takes into account various other superstitious and ungodly activities such as folk-healing and drunkenness.
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Despite the apocalyptic conviction of many Covenanters and ministers that the Devil was pervasive and overwhelming, based on these regional variations it seems that during the witch-hunt this was not the case everywhere. In cases taken from areas outside Edinburgh, there is nothing that suggests an upholding of the full ecclesiastical stereotype of the demonic pact, as outlined by the historiography. Furthermore, lack of uniformity found in the descriptions of the Devil and his interaction with witches raise wider questions about the influence of church authorities and their attitudes towards the demonic, and witchcraft more generally.
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Chapter one explored this issue through examining godly discipline. Also cases where witches have been denounced by another for meeting the Devil have not been included. The records are confessions and depositions only and cannot be consisted typical compared to other witch-panics in Scotland. Candidate Number: emphasised the active and cruel nature of the Devil, were as a result of intense questioning by local church authorities in central regions.
By taking the various theological debates raised in this chapter and the previous chapter into account, we start to get a sense of the lack of solidarity among local church authorities. This will be discussed further in chapter three. Candidate Number: Chapter Three: Ministers, Witches and Church Courts The system of kirk sessions and presbyteries in early modern Scotland played a vital role in the witch-hunting process.
They dealt with punishments no other government body had dealt with before and became the frontline organisations against the daily war on sin and immoral behaviour. Ministers and groups of lay elders combined both the role of judge and prosecutor; kirk sessions could investigate accused witches' history, interrogate witnesses and compile dossiers. This certainly applies to the witch-hunt.
Studies have started to explore the role of ministers and kirk sessions in central regions, yet we still need a fuller picture. The aim of this chapter is to examine current studies of the role of kirk sessions and ministers from central regions, and compare them to ways in which kirk sessions dealt with witches in peripheral regions.
This will provide a comparable framework to move onto to discuss findings from the neglected peripheral regions. As with the last two chapters, it hopes to highlight regional variations which will constructively disturb our current understanding of how zealous kirk sessions and ministers were, challenging the assumption that they were invariably keen to pursue cases to trial in Christina Larner gave rather ambiguous answers about the role church courts played in witch-hunts. She argued that the kirk sessions had a role, but also supported the view that the greater role — and thus the key to witch-hunting — lay with the local nobility, the lairds.
Further information about the role lairds versus church court debate can be found in S. Candidate Number: picture of the role of church courts in witch-hunts. Despite differences of opinions, both argue that the kirk sessions in Fife and the Lothian areas were extremely influential in bringing witches to trial.
Hughes considers the administrative infrastructure of both Haddington and Peebles, arguing that — despite Peebles being slightly inefficient in processing witches — both were keen to push the accused witch through the local legal system. This is reflected in how both regions handled witches. In Haddington, kirk sessions appeared to have adopted a procedural stance in dealing with accusations, recording instances, appointing elders or bailies to attend to the witches in ward and question them routinely, and attesting the depositions rather than record in minute detail the full confessions and depositions.
This is reflected in the zealous actions of key ministers involved in the cases of Janet Coutts and Marion Tweedy. This is evident in the fact that a ministerial committee was established to examine witnesses against witches Janet Coutts and Marion Tweedy. In addition, Hughes comments on the involvement of Robert Balcanquhal from Haddington, a minister deeply embedded in the Covenanting movement and a keen supporter of the case involving Jean Craig from Tranent. See P. However, the challenge remains, that if literature is not being taught, and especially stylistics, then the consumer will be unable to read, enjoy and appreciate poetry and that way the vicious cycle that has condemned poetry to the bottom of the literary pile will prevail and so will the quality of language.
The perpetual colonial project has miseducated us that conservation is about wildlife, while it is actually about our land, our heritage, our culture, our languages, our beliefs…it is about US. I approached it with an open mind eager to learn all sorts of new lessons from the proceedings and realized that the most valuable lessons I learned were actually outside the packed meeting agenda. They are distinguished by their colourful attire and adornments, the familiar banter with other delegates and for the confident manner in which they move around the extraordinarily complicated layout of the UN conference building.
As an African attending this meeting in a technical capacity, I was a member of a very small minority. I was invited to this meeting in New York by the UN rapporteur on indigenous issues to give a technical assessment of the negative impacts of conservation on the rights and livelihoods of indigenous peoples. This initial invitation was a pleasant surprise to me, and I felt like an outsider in the rarefied atmosphere of the UN offices in Nairobi, and approached my presentation in the same uninhibited manner in which uninvited guests approach food at a banquet, not expecting a repeat invitation.
It is sad that in , speaking out against injustices and corruption perpetrated by conservation interests is still anathema in Kenya and many parts of Africa. Whereas indigenous African people have taken their rightful place in all fields of human endeavor, conservation is still the one arena where we still consider ourselves subservient to any outsider and get treated accordingly.
A search for experts and world authorities on any species or issues on African wildlife will invariably yield the name of a person of Caucasian extraction. In Africa, and Kenya in particular, this term refers to some ethnic groups and not others, despite the fact that in my view all locals are indigenous to this country and are affected by resource injustices. The upshot of this is that many countries Kenya included end up represented by individuals chosen because of who they are or where they come from, rather than how well they can address the issues at hand.
Appearances are emphasised, and an outsider can see the weight placed on presence and attire rather than substance. Indeed, we have foreign agents and agencies in conservation trying to categorize our citizenry into groups that should or should not have opinions on conservation practice, regardless of their technical expertise or lack thereof.
From my personal experience, the only people in Kenya who have directly opposed my views about conservation practice from this ethnic perspective have been those of foreign extraction and their acolytes. We are in a place where myths and legends sell, since the truth tends to be intellectually burdensome.
I was however gratified to see that the UNPFII has a specific session on indigenous languages, and present at this session was a delegation from Kajiado county in Kenya discussing preservation and documentation of Maa language. There were the typical thoughts about the need to document traditions and culture.
I raised a query; how are we going to preserve Maasai culture and language while as a country we are fighting pastoralism incessantly. We are killing Kenya Meat Commission, we are blocking stock routes, we are annexing and privatizing rangelands for tourism.
Is there a part of Maa language or heritage that is separate from livestock rearing? Is there a part of any vernacular language that can live when separated from the homeland that gave life to it? I am glad to report that those queries changed their line of thought. Herein lies a solution to the seemingly intractable conservation challenges we in Kenya face every day. This system was developed in the West nearly years ago, and we in Kenya still follow it slavishly, down to the recent appointment of a senior military officer to head the state wildlife authority KWS Kenya Wildlife Service.
Our best option is to urgently institute a sophisticated approach that taps into indigenous African knowledge s of the environment on which their lives and livelihoods depended on. This is an approach that requires inputs from sociologists, economists, historians, artists, traditional leaders, amongst others.
Most importantly, it requires the investment of time chiefly because the intellectual resources required to take this approach are finite, old, and battered from generations of physical and psychological neglect and suppression. How many of us in Kenya, or the rest of Africa today have the courage take this up?
Time is also the reason why this option becomes difficult for a country like Kenya to pursue. Anyone who doubts the potency of this violent displacement and continuous mis-education can examine its effect on recent immigrants to the West from Africa, who in a few short years, lose complete touch with the realities they grew up in.
This mis-education has everything to do with conservation. I must grudgingly acknowledge the success of the perpetual colonial project, because in , the Kenya Government still believes that the objective of their conservation agenda is to satisfy the needs of tourists. This miasma of disenfranchisement around conservancies can be seen in a thousand tourism brochures; The picture of a moran from any of the Maa-speaking communities clad in full traditional regalia sword included serving drinks to scantily-clad foreign tourists lounging in a pool set in splendid isolation in the middle of his arid homeland against a backdrop of a conservancy from which his people and their livestock have been removed.
Since , this factory was established to mine trona soda ash as a result of a clause in the Anglo-Maasai agreement between representatives of the two parties. This basically means that they are only using In practical terms, this means that the local population must seek permission from a foreign company to graze their animals on a vast area of their ancestral land. Can the preservation of the Maasai cultural identity and indigenous language be done without restitution of the lands from which they were uprooted?
Indeed, this question can be applied to any other ethnic group in the world living on indigenous land. From my experience, language and to some extent culture is a living medium of communication that draws from shared experiences and resources amongst a people. In Africa, we use a lot of natural resources in situ and many aspects of idioms and nuances in our vernacular languages were drawn from particular features, resources and even geographical locations. When I impressed upon my compatriots from Kajiado in New York that matters of culture, natural resources and heritage should not be pursued separately but as a whole, I was deeply gratified when they embraced this line of thought.
It therefore is a far-fetched thought that one can presume to celebrate, conserve, and value any culture or heritage while uprooting or otherwise dislodging people from their ancestral origins. They are strangling livelihood, identity, and dignity and replacing it with penury and indentured labour.
Resource use patterns and associated skill sets are the glue that hold African societies to their ancestral lands. The society would face imminent collapse economically, culturally, and socially if the locals would be prohibited from exploiting the waters of Lake Victoria through fishing or sailing. In a similar vein, the rangelands are places where livestock production is not a mere livelihood that can be replaced with serving drinks at a lodge. It is a form of identity, dignity and most of all these animals are the glue that holds pastoralist societies together and binds them to their homelands.
What would a Maasai man be doing in Naikarra or Narosura, or Nguruman? The contemporary colonial project knows this, and that is why they will invest millions of dollars to dupe, threaten, coerce or otherwise convince pastoralists to give up livestock. There is historical precedent to this strategy.
I refer to one of the greatest recorded genocides that befell the Native American Nations with the arrival of the European immigrants. A crucial cog in the wheels of that machine was the complete destruction of the millions-strong herds of bison that roamed the plains. Those who survived the bullets remained in penury, stripped of their identity, power, and dignity. For the privateers who have the funding but cannot access sovereign state militaries, this dubious service is also offered by mercenary groups like 51 degrees , VETPAW and Trojan Group based in Kenya, the United States and the United Kingdom, respectively.
Most of all, the loss of our dignity and heritage is driven by the numerous local people, conservation officers, government officials and local leaders who see these problems, but still collaborate so as to enjoy some morsels from the table of donor largesse. I have often been asked to propose ways in which we can address these ethical and existential challenges we face from this monster of prejudice and colonialism hiding under the hallowed cloak of conservation. There are a wide variety of workable approaches depending on circumstances but there are a few absolutes; Firstly, it must involve every single one of us, because it is about us, the people, not about animals, or parks, but our heritage so we must reject any labels especially the ethnic ones that seek to divide us for ease of control by the pirates.
These labels also dehumanize our communities and reduce their rights to levels below universally accepted human rights. The State also has a part to play here- we should immediately put a stop to all armed wildlife law enforcement activities outside the structure of the two statutory organs KWS and KFS Kenya Forest Service.
These extraneous operatives are inhabiting a legal twilight zone where nothing is what it seems, or should be.
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The ethical and legal pitfalls are so stark and numerous, that if the State cannot see them, one would question the thinking behind defining Kenya as a sovereign state. Grant funding for wildlife law enforcement should go to KWS and anyone unwilling to channel such funding to the state agency should keep their money. Next is the hardest pill to swallow. We must dismantle and discard the model of conservation developed in the West, and funded by the west to conserve for the West. This requires a radical shift from where we are. KWS at present has no policy department, cultural liaison department, no anthropologists, and sociologists- basically has no tools to deal with humans, except guns and bullets.
Whenever they need to deal with the human dimensions detailed above, they have to run to the NGO pirates to lead them down the garden path. This is the door through which the colonial project is taking our homelands. The colonists driving this project are hidden in plain sight. The first step in this policy direction for Kenya would be to totally and permanently remove any tourism interests from the table at which conservation policy is being discussed. They should come in and sell the products of that finished policy with the firm knowledge that it was made to serve the Kenyan people, not the tourists.
Currently, it is just a well-funded train hurtling at high speed down a railway that is being built as it moves. I am calling for definition, because I know for sure that there are good ones, and the ecological, social, cultural, economic and edaphic factors surrounding these conservancies vary greatly.
The NGO pirate conservancies hide behind the good ones like the fabled dog with wooden horns at the meeting of antelopes. The local Maasai community led by the Kajiado County Governor are aggressively demanding the restitution of their birthright and payment of outstanding land rates. Meanwhile, the pastoralist development network PDNK led by Michael Tiampati have petitioned the UN rapporteur on the rights of indigenous people about it.
The lessees are looking increasingly cornered, so in order to escape returning the land to its original owners, they are now frantically trying to turn it into wildlife conservancies. I rest my case. Kisumu was engulfed in the flames of the post-election violence, and I was an eleven-year-old sheltered in a police station, but I was not thinking about that.
Thirty-eight years-old at the time, he netted four goals in the competition. The highlight of his tally was his double against the Colombian goalkeeper Rene Higuita in the second round. Later in the match, he dispossessed the maverick keeper sometimes known as El Loco , and a madcap race to the goal-line ensued. Four years later, Milla would reappear at the World Cup again, and score a goal against Russia to become the oldest goal scorer in the history of the World Cup. He was forty-two years old. The competition was initially supposed to be hosted by Cameroon, but the Confederation of African Football CAF stripped them of hosting rights citing, among other things, the Anglophone crisis, delays in the delivery of infrastructure, and the threat of the Boko Haram.
This is the second time in recent years that the venue of the competition is being changed at, relatively, the last-minute. In , Equatorial Guinea was awarded the hosting rights after Morocco, which had been slated to host the competition, pulled out, citing the looming threat of Ebola. CAF moved to sanction Morocco, throwing it out of the AFCoN, banning it from the and editions, and ordering it to pay one million dollars in fines to CAF, and eight million dollars as compensation for losses sustained by CAF and stakeholders after the pull-out.
The Moroccans argued that Ebola was a risk they could not afford to take, given the swathe of fans expected to attend the tournament, despite the fact that home fans predominantly attend AFCoN competitions. The Ebola strain had at that point only appeared in three countries, none of which were likely to be at the competition, and the curious coincidence that Morocco would play host to the World Club Cup barely a month before AFCoN, a competition that would draw in significantly more spectators from outside the country.
Morocco is one of the favourites of the The Total African Cup of Nations , the same competition that they were banned from before the success of their appeal against it. In mercurial Ajax Amsterdam playmaker, Hakim Ziyech, the Moroccans possess one of the flair players of the continent, and are packed with quality across the board: Mehdi Benatia, previously of Juventus, Bayern Munich and AS Roma, patrols the backline, flanked by Achraf Hakimi and Noussair Mazraou, who are the finest fullback pairing at the tournament.
Growing up in Kisumu, when we played football as kids, we would split into two teams randomly, and when it happened that the random selection had led to the skilled players all being on one team, we would complain that jogo oyierore. They have chosen each other. This is what a friend messages when Senegal announces their final squad for the tournament. The Sengalese squad is a ridiculous exercise in name-dropping. Kalibou Koulibaly is one of the three finest central defenders in world football. Ismailla Sarr and Keita Balde are threatening to become world class forwards, while Sadio Mane, the figurehead of the attack, is a genuine world class forward, one of the premier players in his position in world football.
Jogo oyierore. Cameroon, by virtue of being defending champions. Kenya has the unfortunate luck of being drawn in the same group with Senegal and Algeria who in Yacine Brahimi, Islam Slimani and Riyad Mahrez have an attack not to be sneered upon. Incrementalism The term given to a pattern of decision making. It implies changes in policy are made by slight increments over a continuous period. It best applies to budgetary policy: it is common for democratic governments not to want to shock the voters by presenting them with a sudden change in their economic expectations.
On the other hand its use as a model can be exaggerated. Much policy has to be made in response to unexpected external forces and incremental change in such circumstances is not appropriate. Dimitrakopoulos, Dionyssis G. In Key Concepts in Governance. Integration Theory According to Haas , integration is a process by which "political actors in several distinct national settings are persuaded to shift their loyalties, expectations, and political activities toward a new center, whose institutions process or demand jurisdiction over pre-existing national states.
Broader, more recent developments have formed a field of integration theory studies that is more focused on the outcomes of integration rather than the process. Significant attention has been paid in this respect to the formation and maintenance of the European Union. Chapter 1. Theories of European Integration. In George, Stephen. Politics in the European Union. In Greenwood Encyclopedia of International Relations. Intergovernmentalism In its most basic form, intergovernmentalism explains interstate cooperation and especially regional integration e.
EU as a function of the alignment of state interests and preferences coupled with power. That is, contrary to the expectations of functionalism and neofunctionalism, integration and cooperation are actually caused by rational self-interested states bargaining with one another. Moravcsik, Andrew. Internationalism Internationalism is a political movement that advocates greater economic and political cooperation among participating actors for the benefit of all.
It is by nature opposed to ultranationalism, jingoism and national chauvinism and presupposes the recognition of other nations as equal, in spite of all their differences. Indeed, it is most commonly expressed as an appreciation for the diverse cultures in the world and as a desire for world peace. It also encompasses an obligation to assist the world through leadership and cooperation, advocating robust global governance and the presence of international organizations, such as the United Nations.
Long, David and Brian C. International Political Economy A method of analysis concerning the social, political and economic arrangements affecting the global systems of production, exchange and distribution, and the mix of values reflected therein Strange, p As an analytical method, political economy is based on the assumption that what occurs in the economy reflects, and affects, social power relations.
Lawton, Thomas C. Rosenau, and Amy C. Verdun, eds. States and Markets. International Regime Theory A perspective that focuses on cooperation among actors in a given area of international relations. An international regime is viewed as a set of implicit and explicit principles, norms, rules, and procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a particular issue-area.
An issue-area comprises interactions in such diverse areas as nuclear nonproliferation, telecommunications, human rights, or environmental problems. A basic idea behind international regimes is that they provide for transparent state behaviour and a degree of stability under conditions of anarchy in the international system. International regime analysis has been offering a meeting ground for debate between the various schools of thought in IR theory.
Gale, Fred. International Regimes. Just War Theory Normative theory referring to conditions under which 1 states rightfully go to war jus ad bellum with just cause, as in self-defense in response to aggression, when the decision to go to war is made by legitimate authority in the state, as a last resort after exhausting peaceful remedies, and with some reasonable hope of achieving legitimate objectives; 2 states exercise right conduct in war jus in bello when the means employed are proportional to the ends sought, when noncombatants are spared, when weapons or other means that are immoral in themselves are not used typically those that are indiscriminate or cause needless suffering , and when actions are taken with a right intention to accomplish legitimate military objectives and to minimize collateral death and destruction.
Many of these principles of just war are part of the body of international law and thus are legally binding on states and their agents. Brooks, Thom, ed. Just War Theory. Counterterror War. Legal Positivism A legal theory that identifies international law with positive acts of state consent. Herein, states are the only official 'subjects' or 'persons' of international law because they have the capacity to enter into legal relations and to have legal rights and duties. Indeed, they are the only entities with full, original and universal legal personality; the only proper actors bound by international law.
As far as non-state entities such as individuals, corporations, and international organisations are concerned, their ability to assert legal personality is only derivative of and conditional upon state personality and state consent. This predominant ideology originated in the nineteenth century when legal positivism took the eighteenth century law of nations, a law common to individuals and states, and transformed it into public and private international law, with the former being deemed to apply to states and the latter to individuals.
Thus, only states enjoy full international legal personality, which can be defined as the capacity to bring claims arising from the violation of international law, to conclude valid international agreements, and to enjoy priveleges and immunities from national jurisdiction. Edited text taken from Cutler, C. Power in the Global Era: Grounding Globalization. Liberalism Liberal Internationalism A political theory founded on the natural goodness of humans and the autonomy of the individual.
It favors civil and political liberties, government by law with the consent of the governed, and protection from arbitrary authority. In IR liberalism covers a fairly broad perspective ranging from Wilsonian Idealism through to contemporary neo-liberal theories and the democratic peace thesis. Here states are but one actor in world politics, and even states can cooperate together through institutional mechanisms and bargaining that undermine the propensity to base interests simply in military terms. Hoffman, Stanley. Marxism A body of thought inspired by Karl Marx. It emphasises the dialectical unfolding of historical stages, the importance of economic and material forces and class analysis.
It predicts that contradictions inherent in each historical epoch eventually lead to the rise of a new dominant class. The era of capitalism, according to Marx, is dominated by the bourgeoisie and will give way to a proletarian, or working class, revolution and an era of socialism in which workers own the means of production and move toward a classless, communist society in which the state, historically a tool of the dominant class, will wither away. A number of contemporary theorists have drawn on Marxian insights and categories of analysis - an influence most evident in work on dependency and the world capitalist system.
Marxism and International Relations. Materialism A set of ideas associated with the view that only the material world explains all manner of mental phenomena. Man's attempt to cope with it is basic and human feelings and beliefs are secondary. The Marxist theory that economics ultimately determines historical development is the form known as dialectical materialism, though it was Engels who elaborated the materialist conception of history. Idealist philosophers and religious believers are bound to challenge these ideas.
Gill, Stephen, ed. Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations. In Encyclopedia of American Studies. Modernization Theory A theory presuming that all countries had similiar starting points and follow similar paths to 'development' along the lines of contemporary 'first-world' societies. The theory of modernization normally consists of three parts: 1 identification of types of societies, and explanation of how those designated as modernized or relatively modernized differ from others; 2 specification of how societies become modernized, comparing factors that are more or less conducive to transformation; and, 3 generalizations about how the parts of a modernized society fit together, involving comparisons of stages of modernization and types of modernized societies with clarity about prospects for further modernization.
Harrison, David. The Sociology of Modernization and Development. Boston: Unwin Hyman, ; "Modernization Theory. In Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences. Neo-Classical Realism Neoclassical realism holds that the actions of a state in the international system can be explained by systemic variables, such as the distribution of power capabilities among states, as well as cognitive variables, such as the perception and misperception of systemic pressures, other states' intentions, or threats - and domestic variables like state institutions, elites, and societal actors within society, which can affect the power and freedom of action of the decision-makers in foreign policy.
While holding true to the neorealist concept of balance of power, neoclassical realism further adds that states' mistrust and inability to perceive one another accurately, or state leaders' inability to mobilize state power and public support can result in an underexpansion or underbalancing behaviour leading to imbalances within the international system, the rise and fall of great powers, and war.
Appropriate balancing occurs when a state correctly perceives another state's intentions and balances accordingly. Overbalancing occurs when a state incorrectly perceives another state as threatening, and uses too many resources than it needs to in order to balance. Underbalancing occurs when a state fails to balance, out of either inefficiency or incorrectly perceiving a state as less of threat than it actually is.
Nonbalancing occurs when a state avoids balancing through buck passing, bandwagoning, or other escapes.